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Chinese Investment: BYD Plans Car Plant In Pakistan

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BYD

LAHORE – BYD, a Chinese electric vehicle giant, is set to establish a car plant in Pakistan, which will start production within two years.

The development comes as Beijing had Islamabad of assured of Chinese investment after Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif visited China in June this year.

In this connection, China – in a joint communique after the visit – reiterated its commitment to Pakistan’s industrialization. Therefore, it promised to encourage Chinese companies to invest in the country’s Special Economic Zones (SEZs) in accordance with the market and commercial principles.

The assurance came in the broader context of reviving CPEC – China Pakistan Economic Corridor, a flagship project under the “Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).

THE PARTNERSHIP

The first such venture in Pakistan will be executed in partnership with Mega Motors, a subsidiary of the country’s largest private utility Hub Power Co Ltd, commonly known as Hubco.

At a launching ceremony held in Lahore, Liu Xueling BYD, “Our entry into the Pakistani market is not just about bringing advanced vehicles to consumer.

“It’s about driving a broader vision of environmental responsibility and technological innovation.”

BYD also plans to open three “flagship stores and experience centers” in Karachi, Lahore and Islamabad, the company, adding it plans to start selling two SUV models and a sedan from the fourth quarter of 2024.

“We will establish Pakistan’s first NEV (new electric vehicle) assembly plant… dedicated to producing BYD’s cutting-edge new energy vehicles,” said Hubco Chief Executive Kamran Kamal, who described the deal as a “landmark investment”.

Hubco will setup fast-charging stations across major cities, motorways and highways to enhance Pakistan’s charging infrastructure, which it currently lacks.

THE PRICE WAR

The Chinese giant is now the world largest electric vehicle (EV) manufacturer in terms of units produced.

BYD produced around more than three million units in 2023 against 1.84 million by Tesla. It is for the second consecutive year that the Chinese company beat the US firm.

The two companies as well as their other competitors are currently engaged in a price war. The reason behind this trend is a cutthroat competition to attract maximum number of customers who have been hit hard by inflation and shrinking purchasing power.

However, the race is complicated by the fact that multiple EV manufacturers, mostly from China, are now in the race.

THE CPEC

As a result of the prime minister’s visit, China and Pakistan had agreed to boost mining cooperation and promote the implementation of a pact on strengthening mining development and industrial cooperation.

The statement read that Pakistan identified 13 priority sectors for top Chinese companies to invest in to ensure the country’s export-oriented growth.

It also agreed to optimize its business environment and policy framework to further facilitate Chinese investment.

The Sermik Valley Crisis

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Sermik Valley

The global rise in temperature and the worsening implications of the climate crisis are now making daily news headlines and instigating fear and concern among those more likely to suffer from the climate crisis. The journey of the mountain communities has been cut short from home to scenic natural beauty and climate resilience using traditional methods and knowledge to cope with climate crisis to now the most climate disaster-prone communities that erode the natural scenes and destroy the homes of guardians of mountains. Sermik Valley is located about 45 km from Skardu city in Gilgit-Baltistan.

Sermik Valley’s hidden glacier-fed lakes are critical for local agriculture and hydroelectric power but face growing threats from climate-induced disasters.

The valley is known for its unique history, rich culture, hospitality and scenic natural beauty. Sermik Valley welcomes its visitors with the panoramic view of the long-stretched and largest artificial forest of willow plants, the forest-covered land runs parallel to the valley’s houses. The Sermik Nullah nestles mesmerizing smaller valleys like Buroq Chat and Shilla Valley. The downstream water (locally called Choo longs) in the Nullah passes through Sermik Valley and enters into the Mighty Indus.

The downstream water comes from Natural lakes outflow and glaciers melting which are situated in Sermik Nullah at high altitudes about more than 14,500 feet above sea level. Four prominent lakes including Ribo, Koshoq-thang, and Naqpo lakes are glacier-fed lakes that formed naturally in Sermik Nullah. These natural lakes support life in Sermik Valley and the dwellers of Sermik Nullah, also they are vital for agriculture and generating hydroelectric power for dwellers of Sermik Valley and its Nullah.

People earn their livelihood through agriculture and livestock for which they shed sweat in heat and burn their days and nights for the sake of sustaining lives. They have scarce resources other than their lands and livestock which are the only source of livelihood for these mountain communities.

The recent flash floods in Sermik Nullah exposed the administrative failure and lack of preparedness against climate emergencies.

The unprecedented increase of human interference in nature and irresponsible attitude toward the natural environment raise grave concerns and challenge human survival in the mountains. The rise of tourism and along with that the associated markets like excessive numbers of vehicles, flight operations and commercial activities threaten the overall natural environment.

The communities in the mountains are on the verge of destruction which is not their creation rather they are a guardian of nature and becoming victims of the sins which they don’t commit at any cost. All the lakes in Sermik Nullah are unexplored and hidden due to rough mountainous terrain only accessible through trekking for several hours. There have been continuous threats of GLOF (Glacial lakes outburst floods) as the water level rises in these Lakes due to a rise in temperature triggering glaciers’ meltdown rate and sudden thunderstorms striking lakes causing sudden outbursts of lakes.

There is no any mechanism to monitor water level in those lakes and timely alert mountain communities about any flash floods. The communities are left at the mercy of God, and secondly, strong and committed communities are proof of their survival to date any climate crisis is first responded to with the spirit of utmost passion and social welfare services, which make the communities distinct and applaudable. These communities are rescuers, healers, and supporters for themselves when the need arises.

Communities in the mountains, despite their resilience, are being pushed into unending poverty due to the escalating climate crisis.

The recent flash floods caused due to thunderstorms striking lakes in Sermik Nullah exposed administrative failure, including responding to the climate crisis. Kariko and Korako areas in Sermik Nullah experienced flash floods and subsequently turned the houses, fields and livestock into debris and washed away with floods. Beyond damaging important infrastructures, the floods filled the tanks of powerhouses with mud and debris, which are situated alongside downstream water near Sermik Valley.

The event resulted in greater power supply disruptions to Sermik Valley and also to Skardu city which relies on the powerhouses of Sermik for its electricity needs. The floods completely paralyzed the economic and social lives in Sermik Nullah, Sermik Valley and even in Skardu city. The poverty rate in these far-flung areas of Gilgit-Baltistan is considerably high and the local population lack even basic human needs like health and water sanitation.

Such a climate crisis inflicts more suffering and drags the mountain communities into unending poverty. The floods in Sermik Nullah question our community’s preparedness to fight against climate crisis and emergency.  The real challenge is poor planning or zero planning toward climate resilience and no pathway to achieve a sustainable future.

Without proactive climate policies and early warning systems, the floods in Sermik Nullah are just the beginning of new chaos and unrest.

The natural glaciers feeding lakes in Sermik Nullah must kept under check and monitored, using modern technology like Early warning systems and satellite images to record water level rise in those natural lakes, which are way forward and will reflect the government’s role. Unless we make policy choices and decisions choices to combat the climate crisis, the recent floods can never be the last flood instead a beginning of new chaos and unrest.

Imran Is Using Frivolous Tactics To Delay 190-Million-Pound Case

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Pound Sterling

ISLAMABAD – PTI founding chairman Imran on Friday moved the Islamabad High Court (IHC) to stop the proceedings in the 190-million-pound case.

The latest development in the high-profile matter, also known as the Al-Qadir Trust case, is being described by many as yet another attempt to delay the process.

In a miscellaneous application submitted before the IHC, Imran, through his counsel Barrister Salman Safdar and Khalid Yousaf Chaudhary, has argued that a board meeting of National Accountability Bureau (NAB) in April 2020 had closed the matter. Therefore, the meeting minutes should be provided to him, otherwise the defense would be damaged, he added.

Challenging the Aug 12 orders passed by the trial court, Imran has made NAB Chairman Lt-Gen (retired) Nazir Ahmed as the director general and the prosecutor as respondents.

Read more: PTI’s Anti-Pakistan Foreign Nexus Busted

He mentioned that the investigation officer had admitted some points regarding the NAB board meeting in question. Therefore, the PTI founder – who is the main accused in the case along with his wife Bushra Bibi – requested that the meeting’s record should be presented before the trial court.

WHAT IS HAPPENING AT THE ACCOUNTABILITY COURT?

The last hearing on Thursday again saw a postponement till Aug 17 [tomorrow] as the defense counsel did not go for cross-examination of the investigation officer on a fifth consecutive occasion. Reason? It will automatically expedite the process.

An accountability court in Rawalpindi presided over by Nasir Javed Rana is hearing the 190-million-pound case.

THE REFERENCE AND THE INDICTMENT

The accountability court had indicted the two accused in the case in late Feb earlier this year.

Earlier in December 2023, NAB had filed the corruption reference against Imran, Bushra and six others.

However, the case involving Zulfikar Bukhari, Farhat Shehzadi [also known as Farah Gogi], Shehzad Akbar and two others was separated.

Imran and his wife are accused of obtained billions of rupees and hundreds of kanals of land for legalizing Rs50 billion – 190 million pounds at the time – that was identified and returned to the country by the UK during when the PTI was still in power.

NAB says Imran played a “pivotal role in the illicit transfer of funds” and deliberately, with mala fide intention, refused to give information on one pretext or another.

A MODULE ON HOW TO SABOTAGE COURT PROCEEDINGS

Defense has used a wide range of tactics used to delay the process while using technicalities. That’s why the trial hasn’t concluded so far despite being initiated in December last year.

An attempt made by the defense counsel continuously to frustrate the court by denying cross-examination of the investigation officer, who is the last witness, should be sufficient to explain the strategy.

It won’t be a surprise if the defense counsel at any stage in future claim that they were not allowed to cross-examine the witness.

Both the accused and their counsel have shown a highly unprofessional attitude during the trial, including being late so that the hearing is adjourned.

At the same time, the defense on several occasion cited the absence of main lawyers due to their engagements at higher judiciary or by relying excuses like their health issues.

Given the fact that the trial is being conducted at Adiala jail because of security issues, Imran and Bushra have used the childish justifications like not being ready and having breakfast or bath to show as if the court is subordinate to them.

Meanwhile, disinformation remains a potent tool for the accused, as the accused also gave false statements that the jail authorities were not allowing the lawyers to enter the court. On the other hand, his counsel remained outside the premises, saying they were waiting for their colleagues.

The list also includes exchanging harsh words with the prosecution lawyers and NAB officials to spoil the court environment and ensure time wasting.

But it comes to delaying the proceedings, filing frivolous applications remains the favorite tool for the accused. The latest application filed with the IHC is an example.

Meanwhile, lawyers like Intezar Panjutha, Naeem Haider Panjutha and Barrister – who are associated with the PTI – attended the hearings only to create disturbance in the courtroom.

On the other hand, political figures like Ali Muhammad Khan, Sardar Latif Khosa, Barrister Ali Zafar and Barrister Gohar had nothing to do with case, but often utilized the court time for meetings and political discussion.

Last but not the least, Imran used the hearings for political discussion and engaged in media talks while giving misleading statements which also ensured media coverage.

PTI’s Anti-Pakistan Foreign Nexus Busted

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PTI

ISLAMABAD – Recently-seized documents from the central media cell of PTI in Islamabad have established an undeniable link between the Imran Khan-led party and the propaganda launched against the state institutions, sources say.

The documentary evidence shows the PTI leaders were in constant touch with foreign personalities and media representatives.

It is forensic audit of the equipment seized during the raid, which proved the organized nature of this campaign, the sources say.

RAOOF HASAN-RYAN GRIM AFFAIR

One of the startling revelations is the relationship between Raoof Hasan – the PTI information secretary – and Ryan Grim who is an American writer and journalist.

Grim is currently associated with Drop Site News, which he co-founded along with Jeremy Scahill. They had earlier left The Intercept – another joint venture.

According to the findings of the latest probe, Raoof formally contacted Grim in January 2024, as they regularly consulted on different issues. The sources say this association is shown by conversation they had on WhatsApp.

Grim has written several writeups in favor of Imran and all of these were designed as a propaganda weapon against Pakistan and its national institutions.

In one of such conversations, Grim wanted to confirm the material written by the PTI founder, which was published on May 15, the sources said.

The details show that Grim first inquired about the attack in which Raoof was targeted. He later asked whether “the material” was written by him. Another question whether they won’t share his name.

However, the sources added that Raoof opted for a WhatsApp call to answers the questions shared by his partner.

Another aspect which reveals the extent of this organized anti-Pakistan propaganda is that Grim along with Murtaza had been portraying Imran as a hero even when they wrote for The Intercept.

WON’T ALLOW MY FORENSIC AUDIT

One may recall that the PTI moved the Lahore High Court (LHC) against the physical remand of Imran obtained by police last month in 12 cases related to May 9 riots. But a two-member LHC bench overturned the decision and quashed the remand.

Later this week, the prosecution filed a plea before the anti-terrorism court (ATC) concerned for a forensic audit of evidence against the PTI founder. However, the judge refused to hear the request on the grounds that he could not hear or decide on the applications as he was a duty judge. The prosecution should wait for the administrative judge who was on leave, he added.

Earlier, Imran Khan had refused to undergo polygraph, photogrammetry and voice matching tests in the cases related to May 9 violence. He took the stance when a police team from Lahore tried to interrogate him at the Central Jail Rawalpindi Adiala jail – the commonly known as Adiala jail because of the neighborhood it is located in.

THIS IS HOW PROPAGANDA WORKS

In one of the interviews for foreign media, the PTI founding chairman had made claims about solitary confinement and lack basic amenities. It was also published that he neither had access to his legal team nor could meet any other visitors.

But when facts were shared with the Supreme Court and general public, every claim proved wrong.

One of the most important things is that the reporter didn’t bother to verify his assertions and contacted the government authorities for their version – one of the basic practices for media persons.

So, it was again foreign media that played into their hands by promoting fake news, which could only be described as a part of overall campaign.

This leads us to the principles of effective propaganda: keep it simple and short, repeat and portray those challenging you as an evil, and create an impression that the savior is here you.

Meanwhile, no one can blame the PTI as well as its promoters and facilitators made sure that all these ingredients were there.

DELAY IN PROSECUTING MAY 9 HOOLIGANS

A thorough investigation into the coordinated malicious campaign has again highlighted the importance of a scientific approach in dealing with such matters. Criminology is a science, not something based upon whims and personal affiliations.

However, it is possible only if there are no hurdles.

Both the civilian and military leadership have repeatedly pointed to the delay in punishing the culprits involved in the May 9 incidents – from the planners to the executors.

However, the relief obtained by the PTI through courts under one pretext or the other means that neither the investigation agencies can a detailed probe nor the prosecution file a solid case.

It also shows why Imran declined to fully comply with the requirements of the Lahore police team, thus sabotaging the entire investigation process.

Hence, it also explains the reasons behind the anti-Pakistan campaign which is revolving around spreading disinformation and propagating fake news on mainstream and social media so that an environment could be created within and outside Pakistan where those attacking the state and inciting a coup in military are listed as innocent victims.

Gaza: Ongoing Humanitarian Crisis Amid 2023 Conflict

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humanitarian crisis

A home to more than two million people living in a small narrow strip of around 25 miles long and six miles wide, the Gaza Strip is one of two Palestinian territories. The other one, the West Bank, is occupied by the Israelis. The strip has bordered Egypt, Israel, and the Mediterranean Sea. Historically, the Gaza Strip has been dominated and ruled by many different empires.

During the 16th century, the territory was incorporated by the Ottoman Empire. However, during the First World War, the territory fell into the hands of the British. In 1948, the first Arab-Israel war was the territory occupied by the Egyptians but taken back by Israel in the Six-Day War in 1967. Under different agreements during the 1980s and 1990s, the territory was transferred back to the Palestinian authority.

The Gaza Strip, described as the world’s most densely populated territory, faces unprecedented humanitarian challenges.

In 2006, the Islamic militant group Hamas won the election in the Gaza Strip, and the territory fell under the control of Hamas. Since 2006, Hamas has ruled over the Gaza Strip. In October 2023, the Hamas attacked Israeli forces by missiles as well as ground attacks. According to reports, around 300 people were kidnapped by the militant group. Many civilians were injured in the attack.

However, Israel responds to the attack very brutally towards the Gaza Strip. To date, more than 40000 people have been killed by the Israeli forces including children and women. The attack was considered by the internationally a crime against the civilians and some called it genocide.

Since 2006, the people of the narrow strip have faced many brutality and crimes from the Israeli side. Some experts called it the prison of politics. The civilians of Gaza are isolated in the narrow strip and cannot go outside the territory without the permission of the Israeli forces. The Israeli forces have occupied every point of the Gaza Strip.

Since October 2023, more than 30,000 civilians, including women and children, have been killed in Gaza.

Historically, the strip was a politically disputed area between states. After independence, the First Arab-Israel war occurred, and the territory was incorporated by the Egyptian government. However, the Israeli forces took back the territory in the six-day war in 1967. Since political games are played over the narrow strip. Actually, the territory is part of the Palestine government and should be ruled by the Palestinian Authority with the West Bank.

But practically, the strip has never been ruled by the Palestinian Authority but for very little time. The Palestinian Authority reached an agreement with Israel in 1983 and 1993, where they decided that the Gaza Strip would be part of the Palestinian territory and should be ruled by them. However, the emergence of the Hamas once again changes the future of the narrow strip.

Hamas emerged against Israel and raised a voice for the independence of Palestine due to which never-ending clashes between Hamas and Israel started. Since 2006, Hamas has ruled over the narrow strip. The civilian people have spent a political life in prison and have no freedom of speech and freedom of movement. Sometimes, prisoner of Israel while sometimes a prisoner of Hamas.

The Israeli government’s actions in Gaza have been labeled as genocide by the Government of South Africa.

Since the independence of Palestine and Israel, the Gaza Strip has always been in war conditions. The territory faced many incidents of war in the second of the 20th century including the first Arab-Israel war, the Six Days War, and many small clashes with Israel. However, turn into the 21st century, the narrow strip is almost in war condition and the people of Gaza are facing the worst and most brutal war.

The people were isolated in a small narrow strip. After the recent war between Hamas and Israel started in October 2023, the Israeli forces brutally attacked and pushed the whole population onto one side of the narrow strip and isolated them inside a small area. According to reports from the Palestinians, the people are living in a war prison. The UN also declared the area, the world’s most densely populated territory. The civilian people are not allowed to leave the territory without the consent of Israel.

Although, living under the brutality of the Israeli forces, the people of Gaza also confronting the worst humanitarian crisis since independence, especially after the war started back in 2023. The Israeli forces are conducting genocide and war crimes against the civilian people. The Government of South Africa also filed petition of genocide against Israel in the UN Court of Justice. The UN also declared the Israeli forces are doing war crimes.

The UN has declared the ongoing events in Gaza as war crimes, urging global intervention.

In a war, children and women have special safety and security. But Israeli forces are bombarding the whole population and destroying the whole territory of Gaza. More than 30000 people including children and women have been killed since October 2023. Some photos showed that the forces have raped and brutally killed many civilian women. Moreover, Children are dying due to malnutrition and not getting enough food.

The Israeli government also cut the food and other things received by the Gaza civilians. Therefore, the activities going on in the small Gaza Strip can be called the worst humanitarian crisis and the world should give some serious attention to the innocent people. Especially, the Muslim leaders need to dismantle all the relations with Israel and force them to end the worst brutality over the civilians of Gaza.

Lula Hates High Interest Rates. He Is Planning For New Central Bank Chief

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BRASILIA – Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, a staunch opponent of high interest rates – is reportedly getting ready to nominate Gabriel Galipolo for the central bank’s governor.

Galipolo would be among the four nominations for the board of Banco Central do Brasil and are expected in the coming weeks.

If approved by the Senate, Lula’s choices will take office in 2025, giving the leftist president seven picks on the central bank’s nine-member interest rate-setting committee, known as Copom.

Galipolo, the central bank’s monetary policy director, has long been seen as a strong contender to replace governor Roberto Campos Neto, whose term ends in December.

RATE HIKES VS RATE

The upcoming change in command at Brazil’s central is very significant given Lula’s strong opposition to the higher interest rates. He has been very critical of Roberto Campos Neto, the current central bank chief, who was appointed by former president Jair Bolsonaro.

Bolsonaro stands for far-right political views, thus advocating deregulated economy with very limited government. It is complete contrast to Lula who advocates social justice and envisages a government that intervenes in market to protect the low-income groups from exploitation.

The difference of opinion shows the serious differences between the political leaders and the central banks around the world – especially in developing countries which need and want more economic growth – over how and when to slash the interest rates which were raised to deal with the historic high inflation.

NO EXPLANATION

Earlier in March, Lula said there was no explanation for keeping Brazilian interest rates at 11.25% [the level back then when he made the statement] apart from the “stubbornness” of Neto.

Brazil’s central bank, at one point, raised the interest rates to 13.75%, but the borrowing costs are now down to 10.50%.

Last month, the central bank warned that it won’t hesitate to raise interest rates if necessary to bring inflation down to its target.

“There is no economic explanation, no inflationary explanation. There is nothing, apart from the stubbornness of the central bank’s president over holding these interest rates,” Lula had said.

He added that Neto was contributing to a delay of Brazil’s economic growth.

It is worth noting higher borrowing costs negatively affects economic growth, as businesses become reluctant to invest for expanding the current setups or establish new ones.

Hence, the Federal Reserve is being blamed for possible economic recession by keeping the US interest rates higher.

SOMEONE IS PROFITING FROM HIGH INTEREST RATES

Later in June, Lula said the media frequently mentions Brazil’s fiscal deficit, but no one talks about high interest rates “in a country with 4 per cent inflation”.

“On the contrary, they celebrate with the central bank chief in Sao Paulo. Again, those attending the celebration must be profiting from the [Brazil] interest rate,” he said.

Book Review – Pakistan Wars: An Alternative History

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book review

Pakistan Wars: An Alternative History, by Tariq Rahman, was published in 2022 by Folio Books, Lahore. The book revisits the wars fought in Pakistan taking a subaltern approach where the people with no power i.e. foot soldiers, spouses, porters, ordinary civilians, etc., were interviewed. Their recollection of the events helps the readers to understand the wars fought in Pakistan.

The book revisits Pakistan’s wars through the eyes of those with no power—foot soldiers, spouses, and ordinary civilians.

In the introduction, the author describes the purpose of the book is to bring an alternative history to Pakistan’s wars and to rectify the mainstream narrative surrounding it; explaining to the readers, who may not necessarily have a background in history, what a subaltern approach in history is. The book also delves into research methodology, specifically interviews, that were carried out to write the content.

In the following chapter, readers are immersed in the military decision-making process and how decisions are made to wage war. Unilateral views against India (motivated by the martial race theory), personal glory, honor, and respect for the institution are explained as the main factors in the decision-making with little room for rationality and cost-benefit analysis. The role of the clique (military) is also explored where the entirety of the armed forces doesn’t need to be informed or supportive of various decisions made in the closed quarters.

Chapter three focuses on the Kashmir war (1947 – 1948) fought between Pakistan and India and tries to answer the questions of what caused the state to be split and whether the decisions taken by the decision makers posed a risk to the newly formed state. The chapter explores the case of the use of non-state actors in initiating the war, the role of the clique which consisted both of the civilians and the military with an eventual fall down of the former. It concludes with the Pakistan high command excluding the civilian decision-makers in the subsequent wars that occurred.

Decisions to wage war in Pakistan were often made by a small clique, driven by personal glory and martial race theory, with little room for rational analysis.

Meanwhile, chapter four discusses the decision-making process that led to the Indo-Pakistan war of 1965; from the use of non-state actors in Operation Gibraltar to the Indian response on the border. Operation Gibraltar was the product of the overconfidence in the success of the Rann of Kutch and the belief that India would not respond, and even if they did, they would not stand to Pakistan. Besides the personal motivations of different individuals, the 1965 war established a system that did not allow dissenting opinions to be expressed.

Both chapters five and six discuss the Indo-Pakistan war of 1971, with the former discussing the Pakistani experience of the war whilst the latter focusing on Bengali. On the Pakistani end, the civilian cabinet was not consulted and instead of carrying out a cost-benefit analysis, like the previous wars, a small clique of generals decided to suppress the Bengalis through military action.

The decision was well known amongst the West Pakistanis, who lent their support, without knowing the consequences of the action and the actual amount of suffering the Bengalis were facing. The few who did express opposition to the decisions were arrested by the military dictatorship of Yahya Khan. Although Pakistan did not learn much from the 1971 war, it had lost the moral right to rule over its east wing.

Taking from the Bengali experiences, in chapter six, the author traces the history of Bengali resentment towards West Pakistan from the inception of the country in 1947 to the 1971 war which was marked by the Bengali Language Movement, protests in the constituent assembly, and Sheikh Mujibur Rehman’s six points. The author discusses the long-term effects the war had on the relations between Pakistan, Bangladesh, and India to this day which remains sour.

The 1971 war saw the exclusion of civilian decision-makers, leading to a military-led suppression of Bengalis with disastrous consequences.

The chapter also highlights the Pakistani turn towards religious fundamentalism as a result of West Pakistan prisoners of war finding solace and passing time with religious materials, which, in the long run, assisted General Zia-ul-Haq’s s quest for political and moral legitimacy with an appeal to religion accepted at least among former servicemen. Lastly, the war promoted vengeance amongst Pakistanis which took shape in training non-state actors in Kashmir in a similar fashion as India trained the Mukti Bahini to fight Pakistan.

Although India took the aggressive step to initiate war in Siachen as described in chapter seven, the Kargil War of 1999 was another case of a clique (of four generals) deciding to fight despite the risks of escalating to a full-scale war without consulting the civilians’ sectors. The decision was also criticized by other military officers. The Kargil War was treated as a formal decision by Pakistan rather than a covert gamble by a clique; the international community considered the state itself risk-prone and irresponsible. Hence, the peace process between Pakistan and India couldn’t take place.

The low-intensity operations, the ones that are not as major as the wars fought between Pakistan and India are discussed in the following chapter. The author discusses the impact of the Afghan War (1979-1989) on the local populace including the military officers, who were exposed to the fundamentalist interpretation of Islam. The religious fundamentalists were given funds, weapons, and training for the war. After the war, with the Soviets withdrawing, the fundamentalists were still patronized despite annoyance and pressure from the United States, as a counter to India’s influence.

As far as Kashmir was concerned, the author shares his sentiment stating that India had lost the “moral rights to rule the Vale”. Pakistan, on the other hand, employed the same policy as it did in the 1965 war employing non-state actors, this time being jihadists instead of tribesmen. The decision was taken by the top military officers and the Inter-Service Intelligence (ISI). Due to it being confidential, it could not be discussed meaningfully in the media, the civilian government, or the intelligentsia.

The Kargil War was treated as a formal decision by Pakistan, leading the international community to see the state as risk-prone and irresponsible.

Chapters nine and ten explore the relationship of war and gender with the former exploring the relationship of war with women while the latter with men. Women have played an active role in the war as either medical staff, helpers, or cheering for men in the war. They soon also got combat roles. However, like all wars, women’s experience has mostly been of losing loved ones, violations against themselves or other women in the family, trauma, anxiety, stress, and displacement.

The author notes that women do not necessarily follow the jingoistic narratives as compared to their male counterparts; they condemn the very institution of war, especially amongst the wives of military officers. The subaltern women take to the streets in their condemnation of war. Although the women were not included in the decision-making of the war, they did not show any form of support for the decisions in their capacities as family members.

The men suffered like the women did, however, their sufferings depended on their socioeconomic class. The author points out that the elite suffrage was comparatively less than the subaltern groups given the number of resources they had as well as their network of connections. The subaltern groups are marginalized, and their sufferings remain silent and unrecorded. As far as the war affected an individual soldier, the soldier displayed signs of panic, shock, and extreme anxiety; however, they were stigmatized by their colleagues for being ‘cowards’. Those who did show heroism in the war suffered from trauma, and although they were not shunned, they endured pain in silence or the hospital with their family and friends.

The second last chapter discusses the humanitarian side of the soldiers and others, despite being from the opposing side, by giving examples of how they try to keep human rights violations to a minimum and going as far as helping others at their own risk and personal well-being. The author notes that this is common among everyone regardless of background, and certain compassionate impulses manifest the idea of resistance to war and cruelty, fueling efforts for global peace, especially in South Asia. Despite the dominance of pro-war and anti-peace factions in the region, ongoing peace initiatives persist, offering hope for future success.

This book provides an insight to the readers into how decisions to enter wars are carried out by a clique driven by their interests and their unfounded beliefs concerning India. The book also provides first-hand accounts of those who were affected by the decisions of the clique and is kept in simple language, without much jargon, suited for mass readership. It also scrutinizes the power dynamics between the civilian administration and the military institution in decision-making. Lastly, the book provides, as the title states, an alternative view of Pakistan’s wars that deviates from the mainstream narrative.

The book calls for introspection from decision-makers, urging respect for international laws and caution against future conflicts.

Although the book covers most of the wars Pakistan engaged itself in, it briefly mentions the War on Terror which rose Pakistan to prominence. Language can be overlooked but as it is written in English, its reach to the non-English readers is limited, the intended audience, placing the book at a disadvantage. It can be translated, however, after one has seen what happened with the Urdu translation of The Case of Exploding Mangoes (2009) by Mohammad Hanif which got shelved, the expectation for it to reach the public is limited. The length of the book poses an issue for readers who are committed to their respective businesses. It could have been split into two or three books or volumes.

The book concludes with the last words from the author, who calls for introspection from the decision-makers regarding the risks of engaging in another war or conflict and that international laws should be respected.

Barriers to Women’s Political Leadership in Pakistan

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political leadership

When you probe an ordinary Pakistani woman about her aims and aspirations, you seldom find her mentioning political leadership. Women must put far more effort than men to be leaders. The challenges females face is totally related to the gender stereotypes formed by our society. The gendered perspective of political leadership roles in a society dominated by men impedes women’s entrance to politics.

The gender difference in education turns out to be the main barrier stopping women from using their right to an education.

From an early age, women have limitations on their capacity to attend school unlike their male counterparts. The cornerstone of the social and cultural attitude towards women, which is restricted to that of mothers and spouses, is slavery. UN Women Pakistan’s National Review of the Status of Women in Pakistan (2023) estimates that 22.8 million children between the ages of 5 and 16 are not in school; shockingly, 53% of women between the ages of 15 and 64 said they never attended, compared to 33% of men in the same age range. The gender difference in education turns out to be the main barrier stopping women from using their right to an education when compared to men of the same age.

Another problem affecting women in Pakistan is the lack of agency, which keeps them from growing into independent thinkers. A good quality of a leader is intellectual freedom. Girls are taught to be generous and selfless. This helps one to see that their deservedness depends on getting approval from others.

A lot of Pakistani women therefore struggle with the good-girl syndrome. This is evident from most women surrendering their estates to their brothers instead of their inheritance rights. Lack of agency and access to education leads women in Pakistan to be significantly under-represented in public and political spheres of leadership.

Women in positions of authority lack social acceptance; they are only appreciated by society if they do not challenge the ideas or skills of their male colleagues.

Women are often considered in Pakistani society as fulfilling spouses’ and mothers’ loving duties. Women who follow politics are considered as rebels as joining politics questions the conventional wisdom of the woman.

This discouragement largely from the families and communities they belong to dashes their hopes to join politics. Since the social narrative sees women in politics as the exception rather than the norm, it is more difficult for a woman to become regarded as a leader.

Moreover, women in positions of authority lack social acceptance; they are only appreciated by society if they do not challenge the ideas or skills of their male colleagues. She is nevertheless a major target for hate speech, misogyny, and gender-based violence even in circumstances where a woman succeeds in landing top leadership posts.

Our society’s ranking of gender based on position and power produces inequality. Men are seen as having greater strength and consequently, more influence as our society defines strength as power. This ranks men first in practically all sectors of life on the social scale. Women’s weaker social status results in fewer opportunities, separating them from men. The idea that many women in our towns would be caretakers, nurturers, and “beautiful souls” engaged in “dirty politics” discourages many of them from entering politics.

Many times, leadership is associated with masculine traits—which go against the traditional definition of femininity. Women in politics must suppress their feminine impulses and adopt tough and assertive traits if they are to thrive in such fields. This helps women to see that they must lose their feminine characteristics and adopt masculine ones if they are to thrive in politics, therefore alienating them from their own identities and valuable qualities.

Many times, leadership is associated with masculine traits—which go against the traditional definition of femininity.

Several female leaders are coming from Pakistan. Benazir Bhutto was Pakistan’s first elected female prime minister chosen democratically in 1988. Fatima Jinnah challenged Ayub Khan for the presidency in 1965. Currently, Maryam Nawaz is Punjab’s chief minister.

These women were able to ascend to leadership roles because of their ties to well-known male leaders: Maryam Nawaz is the daughter of Nawaz Sharif, Benazir Bhutto is the daughter of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, and Fatima Jinnah is the sister of Muhammad Ali Jinnah. However, it is impossible to expect normal women to pursue political professions considering their lack of financial means and influence.

Though only 24% of them are actively involved in the economy, women account for about 49% of Pakistan’s population. According to the 2020–21 Work Force Survey, women account for around 15.5% of the workforce; their engagement in the agricultural sector explains why their proportion is larger in rural than in urban areas. Women also suffer financial inequality as their salaries vary from men’s by around 82%. Women have traditionally been considered as inferior creatures who had to carry out their primary roles as domesticated animals, therefore separating themselves from the idea of equality. Men regard women’s salaries as a danger to their egos, so there is an economic difference.

Political parties reportedly sponsor and propose candidates for prominent leadership roles. Women who want to work in politics in Pakistan might find a major obstacle from political parties. In politics, developing networks is vital. Getting political support and financial backing depends on it, but since males predominate in politics, women are finding it more difficult to join this field. The problem is with the oversupply of guys in the region, not with the lack of suitable women.

The most basic flaw in the current political system is the lack of recognition for women or chances to follow political professions.

Models of gender equality are the Nordic countries. These countries have the highest percentage of female legislators as well as strong marks in terms of the well-being of the people and the happiness index. A few structural changes make this possible and support from society helps.

This implies that, in line with a progressive society, women’s political participation improves their position. Successful roles played by women like Asma Jahangir, Dr Ruth Pfau, and Bilquis Edhi have had long-lasting consequences for Pakistan’s welfare and society. greater women in these jobs drive greater attention to women’s problems and gender-sensitive laws.

In the end, one may question whether the political structure or women constitute the problem. Women clearly are equally as smart as men. The most basic flaw in the current political system is the lack of recognition for women or chances to follow political professions. It is time to quit seeing politics via the “malestream” lens. The government should provide level playing grounds and equal chances for both sexes. Education is the cornerstone of political knowledge and independence that enables women to be qualified for legislative positions.

Fake News Boosted? Meta Shuts Tool Used To Track Misinformation

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Facebook

SAN FRANCISCO — Meta Platforms – the parent company of Facebook and Instagram – has shut down a tool widely used to monitor social media, mainly for tracking fake news and other posts spreading misinformation.

CrowdTangle was a favorite of researchers, watchdog organizations and journalists, interested in the ascertaining the source and dissemination of misinformation.

The latest move again raises some serious questions about the role and the working of social media platforms. They have already been under the radar for alleged manufacturing and controlling of narrative.

Read more: Ultranationalists Groups Using Social Media As A Weapon: Solangi

Meta had announced its decision earlier this year, which came into effect on Wednesday.

TRANSPARENCY IN QUESTION

Earlier in May, it was reported that dozens of groups had sent a letter to the tech giant, asking it to keep the tool running through at least January so that the US presidential election could be monitored.

It included the Center for Democracy and Technology, the Digital Forensic Research Lab at the Atlantic Council, Human Rights Watch and NYU’s Center for Social Media & Politics.

Read more: EU Warns Musk Against Promoting Hate Speech

“This decision jeopardizes essential pre- and post-election oversight mechanisms and undermines Meta’s transparency efforts during this critical period, and at a time when social trust and digital democracy are alarmingly fragile,” the letter said.

CrowdTangle, “has been an essential tool in helping researchers parse through the vast amount of information on the platform and identify harmful content and threats,” it added.

IT WAS A CHECK ON HATE SPEECH

In March, the nonprofit Mozilla Foundation sent Meta a similar letter asking it to keep the tool, which was available for free, functioning until January. That letter was also signed by several dozen groups and individual academic researchers.

“For years, CrowdTangle has represented an industry best practice for real-time platform transparency. It has become a lifeline for understanding how disinformation, hate speech, and voter suppression spread on Facebook, undermining civic discourse and democracy,” the Mozilla letter said.

CROWDTANGLE DOESN’T PROVIDE A COMPLETE PICTURE

Meta has released an alternative to CrowdTangle, called the Meta Content Library. But access to it is limited to academic researchers and nonprofits, which excludes most news organizations. Critics have also complained that it’s not as useful as CrowdTangle — at least not yet.

It said on Wednesday that CrowdTangle doesn’t provide a complete picture of what is happening on its platforms and said its new tools are more comprehensive.

Meta acquired CrowdTangle in 2016.

South America: An Untapped Market for Pakistan

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stratheia

In the 21st century, the green economy— emanating from climate responsibility and green transition — is predominantly dependent on lithium for its consumption in batteries used in power grids and electronic vehicles. Nature has bestowed South America with vast deposits of such minerals, making the continent a pivot for great powers.

South America, endowed with vast lithium reserves, has become a pivot for great powers in the global green economy.

South America, the fourth-largest continent extending from the Gulf of Darien in the northwest to the Tierra del Fuego archipelago in the south, is home to 12 sovereign states with a combined GDP of over $4 trillion.i

States of South America
Figure 1: The 12 Sovereign States of South America

The continent has immense potential with 400 million people, having an average per capita income of $12,000.ii Within South America, Argentina and Brazil enjoy G20 membership and aspire to materialize progressive policies in global trade.iii Additionally, vast oil and natural gas deposits in Venezuela, make it one of the largest oil producers. Besides, Brazil has one–fifth of the world’s iron ore reserves, and one-quarter of the world’s known copper reserves are in Chile and Peru.

The South American countries also forged regional and preferential trade agreements in their economic quest. Mercosur (Southern Common Market) — the largest South American preferential trade group — was established in 1991, creating a common market through a converging trade policy and standardized tariffs. Within this group, the trade balance tilts towards Brazil, the second-largest American economy, accounting for 62.1% of exports and 57% of imports of the southern market.iv In 2018, Mercosur’s exports reached $318.1 billion, primarily consisting of agricultural goods, while, imports amounted to $269 billion, including vehicles, electrical machinery, and petroleum products.

South America has experienced turbulence in its political and economic landscape since 2000 owing to external challenges. Still, new development strategies for regional cooperation pushed US aspirations to foster better ties with its former backyard, but Washington’s interventionist policies have already left some indelible marks in the memory of people in South America. This disillusionment allowed China to increase its influence across the region.

Pakistan’s trade with Mercosur represents less than 1% of its global trade, highlighting significant untapped potential.

The investment by Xi’s China in South America reached $315 billion in 2020 from $12 billion in 2000.v Therefore, China has imprinted its shadow, mainly over lithium reserves, in the region previously claimed by the United States as its backyard. vi In the South-South bond, depicting South American and South Asian exchange, Pakistan enjoys bilateral relations with South American countries, particularly Brazil and Argentina.

According to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA), lack of geographical divergence no longer restrains trade ties. South America and Pakistan are developing linkages with significant trade blocs in the region. Pakistan remained engaged with Mercosur and it attained observer status at the Pacific Alliance in 2021.

Pakistan’s missions in South American capitals opened with the establishment of diplomatic ties with Brazil in 1948. It is also accredited to Venezuela, Guyana, Colombia and Suriname. Moreover, bilateral consultation on political matters is a regular practice between Islamabad and Brasilia. In 2021, a Bilateral Political Consideration (BPC) round was held virtually between the two countries. Both countries established a 2+2 (Political-cum-Military) Structured Dialogued Mechanism in July 2019 for regular discussions on International, regional, and bilateral matters.

Depicting a bleak economic reality, trade between Mercosur and Pakistan is limited. It represents less than 1.0% of the country’s global trade, as it mainly imports agricultural goods from Mercosur and exports textiles. Still, Pakistan has a comparative advantage in top 25 exports to Mercosur due to their abundance, low production costs, and specialization.

Pakistan’s export potential of top-ranking products totaled at $2.6 billion, while Mercosur’s actual imports amounted to $30.0 million in 2018. Therefore, a well-negotiated trade agreement can considerably increase Pakistan’s exports to Mercosur.

Pakistan’s export potential
Figure 2: Pakistan’s export potential of top-ranking products

Meanwhile, the bilateral trade volume between Pakistan and Brazil stood at $156 million in FY 2022-23. The MOFA maintains that Pakistan and Brazil are collaborating by signing MoUs in education, agriculture, science, and technology. As far as diaspora is concerned, approximately 1,000 Pakistanis live in Brasilia and Sao Paulo, engaging mainly in small businesses.

On the other hand, Pakistan and Argentina have established diplomatic relations since 1951. The two nations established a Joint Trade Commission in 2021, and held 5th Round of Bilateral Political Consultations (BPC) in December 2022. Pakistan and Argentina recorded their bilateral trade in FY 2022-23 at $187 million. They are collaborating in pharmaceuticals, surgical instruments, sports, defense, science and technology.

Mercosur’s exports reached $318.1 billion in 2018, largely driven by agricultural goods.

There are many unexplored trade opportunities for Pakistan and South American countries. Pakistan has a high potential to export textiles and vegetable products to Mercosur. Although, bilateral trade has been in favor of the Mercosur bloc from 2014 to 2018, its imports from Pakistan slightly increased in 2022.

As depicted in the graph, imports from Mercosur to Pakistan stood at $905 million in 2016, which later reduced to $259 million in 2022.

Pakistan-South America
Figure 3: Pakistan-South America Trade 2016-22

Meanwhile, Pakistan’s exports in 2016 totaled $399 million and jumped to $1453 million in 2022, depicting an increase over the seven-year period.

However, the trade prospects between the two sides still face multiple challenges.

The most profound hurdle in leveraging South American markets is lack of implementation of agreements. For instance, Pakistan signed a deal with Mercosur in July 2006. This agreement was supposed to initiate the process of a Preferential Trade Agreement (PTA). However, this agreement has not been implemented due to a lack of political will.

Nevertheless, Islamabad, as a way forward, may negotiate on tariff concessions for top ranking goods to increase exports. Economic integration between Mercosur and Pakistan can increase Islamabad’s agricultural exports to the bloc, while technical assistance from the South American states can foster high levels of innovation in the country’s agriculture sector.

Moreover, automobile is another noticeable sector in which Mercosur has the potential to export public transport vehicles worth $2.6 billion to Pakistan. Therefore, the Ministry of Commerce may initiate the “Look South America” policy, mirroring Pakistan’s “Look Africa” policy of 2017 to capitalize on the continent’s untapped resources. Likewise, the MOFA can initiate the ‘Engage South America’ Initiative to nurture reciprocal relations.

 

References:

i https://www.imf.org/external/datamapper/profile/SMQ

ii Mahendra Kumar, “Trade Potential of Latin American countries: Chile, Argentina, and Brazil” Trade Development Authority of Pakistan, December 2021

iii https://www.chathamhouse.org/regions/americas/south-america

iv https://oec.world/en/profile/international_organization/southern-common-market

v Mercosur: South America’s Fractious Trade Bloc’. n.d. Council on Foreign Relations. Accessed 23 April 2024. https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/mercosur-south-americas-fractious-trade-bloc.

vi Mahendar Kumar, “Trade Potential of Latin American countries: Chile, Argentina and Brazil” Trade Development Authority of Pakistan, December 2021