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Iran-Saudi Arabia Rapprochement: A Temporary Détente?

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In this photo released by Xinhua News Agency, Ali Shamkhani, the secretary of Iran's Supreme National Security Council, at right, shakes hands with Saudi national security adviser Musaad bin Mohammed al-Aiban, at left, as Wang Yi, China's most senior diplomat, looks on, at center, for a photo during a closed meeting held in Beijing, Saturday, March 11, 2023. Iran and Saudi Arabia agreed Friday to reestablish diplomatic relations and reopen embassies after seven years of tensions. The major diplomatic breakthrough negotiated with China lowers the chance of armed conflict between the Mideast rivals, both directly and in proxy conflicts around the region. (Luo Xiaoguang/Xinhua via AP)

The former Prime Minister of the United Kingdom (1859–1865) once stated that, “in international relations, there are no permanent friends or permanent enemies, only permanent interests”. This rationality of state actors’ trigger relations in the field of politics, security/strategic, economic, and at the socio-culture domain. Since then, leaders around the world have invoked it not only to justify their policies both at domestic and international level but also to take actions, whatever deem necessary to peruse their national interests broadly defined in terms of power/security maximization (mostly) on one hand, and economic progress and stability, on the other hand. For example, Great Britain (the colonizer) and the US (the colonized) who were once enemies are now the closest and trustworthy allies. The former, even supported the later when the rest of the world denied all kind of support during the Iraq War of 2003. In this backdrop the ongoing Saudi-Iran rapprochement which the Chinese government facilitated and mediated to bring the two arch regional rivals to commence a new journey and forget the thorny past strained in blood and hostility. Different scholars around the world have responded differently based on their personal experiences of the world of politics. To some, this will marshal regional stability and dilute the existing power competition and proxy wars while others believe it as the ‘beginning of the end’ in itself due to historic rivalry of the two regional rival powers.

The decision taken by both to resume diplomatic relations seems somewhat encouragement for both states in particular and the regional level at large rooted in procuring national interests. In the pretext of Saudi Prince Muhammad bin Salman’s (MBS) ‘vision of 2030’, Riyadh objective is the modernization and diversification of the country’s economy away from hydrocarbons. To achieve the desired objective Saudi needs oil drilling, its transportation and sales without disrupting which necessitates to lower the regional rivalry with Iran. This will also bring foreign direct investment in the country. In addition, the monarchy, who has already depleted its resources at the regional level fighting proxy’ wars against the arch rival, can be saved and diversified somewhere to boast its economy. At this regard patch-up with Iran is very rational decision what the realists follow to believe that is making friends and disbanding enemies if it serve the national interests of a state. The new chapter between Saudi-Iran might result in ending the continued violence and instability in Yemen in particular and in Arab Peninsula in general, which are more of geopolitical nature than religious.

This will also help MBS to come out of greater influence of the United States which had created many thorns in the relationship between Riyadh and Washington. Biden’s government has weaponized human rights against Saudi especially, the Jamal Khashoggi murder and the human rights violation inside Saudi and Yemen, that had jolted the MBS led regime with its constant threat of reprimand. American buying of Saudi oil, the dominant export commodity of the oil rich kingdom combined with an anti-Iran narrative had sustained the otherwise thorny relations.

The change comes in light of MBS, reimagining Middle East approach where in his aim to transform the Middle East comes in light of making it the next Europe. In this regard, Saudi led-alliance normalization of its relations with Israel and its explicit recognition was the first step.

This rapprochement comes at a time when Iran is passing through tough time facing domestic, regional and international pressure. Domestically, Iran faces the ‘off and on’ masses protest due to unconstitutional killing of individuals, unemployment and the price hike of the daily commodities. Regionally, Iran is worried about the volatile situation in Afghanistan on one side, and the regional contestation against Saudi led-alliance and the mounting pressure from the Israel on the other side. While internationally, Iran is under constant sanctions from the US, UN and its affiliated bodies and Europe also. Only China and Russia are believed as friend in need who the US pressure to resume economic and military relations.

The ongoing regional rapprochement reaches at a time where the US and Israel is openly accusing the Iranian nuclear program that it is just shy of ‘weapon-grade’ enrichment of 90 percent, a central cause of concern for both the US and Israel. By fending off relations with Riyadh, Tehran can assume it as an opportunity to divert its energy into more constructive engagement internally to address the Iranian grievances. Regionally, Tehran probably will allow for greater defense related stability and increase in its energy options with regard to both Saudi Arabia and China. In addition, Tehran might gamble that Saudi will be less motivated to joint US-Israel actions against them where Riyadh is expected to continue cooperation with Israel and US in military and intelligence domain. Lastly, Iran’s interest apart from energy would lay in getting political and diplomatic support from the Saudi Kingdom with regards to key issues in the ME such as Iran’s relations against Israel and offsetting American political, diplomatic support to Israel. This positive gesture from both might lead to further economic and commercial cooperation between the two arch rivals of the ME and in resolution of the outstanding unresolved conflict of interests.

As for as China’s approach to world politics is founded in “Strategic-Partnership Diplomacy” which is based on pursuance of its national interest and establishing bilateral relations rather than choosing sides and balancing against a third party. This policy enables Beijing to increase its influence in Gulf region without intimidating the other; a policy that no other power has achieved yet. China’s breakthrough diplomatic victory in the ME, would ensure the smooth flow of energy to its industry that has been disrupted due to proxy wars and the US presence in the region. Chinese grand strategy is not to involve in security issues. Therefore, it is not becoming a guarantor. It is more concerned with energy needs and wants a cordial working relation with both. The Geopolitical shift is evident in the case when Iran declares not to support his proxies in KSA proximity.

Last, but not the least, scholars believe that the Chinese intrusion in the ME region is its own fault. The US practically abandoned the region since its withdrawal from Syria that resulted in power vacuum and was filed by the Chinese. Though the US was helpful in finalizing the ‘Abraham Accord’ but failed to practically provide what the its allies were looking for. Though the US has welcomed the détente between the regional rivals. But still believe what John Kirby said that “As far as Chinese influence there, or in Africa or in Latin America, it’s not like we have blinders on. We certainly watch China as they try to gain influence and footholds elsewhere around the world in their own selfish interests”.

To conclude, it had to happen one day. Both countries are acting pragmatically. As far as the role of china and the US is concerned, there is a lot of exaggeration I would say. Day before the normalization signing, Saudis had requested the US to help it in its defence and civil nuclear program. The US is and would remain a dominant actor in Middle East. China is just procuring its economic interest. Neither it has the resolve nor the capacity to replace the US. It has more to lose if the region remains unstable as we saw Houthis’ missiles hitting Saudi oil facilities impacted the whole world including China in recent past. As far as the situation around is concerned, I believe that the sectarian motivated proxy wars have been the principal thorn of contestation between the two countries. Their resolution and its fallout in terms of overall development for the region will depend upon the commitment of the two bitter rivals to this rapprochement. The episode can be marked as what happened decades ago between the US and China, although no other comparison can be drawn, but just rapprochement between two rivals. If we view how the relations have transpired over decades, it is evident that it is a temporary detent thing….ME security and geostrategic structure is way too complex and hostile variably to settle for quick peace between two rivals for which we need to understand the ‘Intra-Civilizational Clash’ between Riyadh and Tehran.

Pakistan and CARs – Forging Regional Connectivity

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Central Asia map - brown orange hue colored on dark background. High detailed political map of central asian region with country, ocean and sea names labeling.

The year 2023 marks a significant milestone in the bilateral connectivity between Central Asian Republics (CARs) and Pakistan, which has been flourishing for 31 years. This collaboration is not just an attempt to counter challenges but also a testament to a historical and profound relationship that extends far beyond the past three decades. Geographically connected through the Wakhan Corridor since ancient times, Central Asia and Pakistan have been fate-connected for centuries. The foundation of socio-political and economic cooperation for mutual prosperity, stability, and security is primarily determined by regional connectivity. While connectivity includes road, railway, and air linkages, it also encompasses cultural exchange, scientific cooperation, arts, music, entertainment, trade, cuisine, and people-to-people contact. The significance of the CARs and Pakistan’s relationship goes beyond and it is time to acknowledge and nurture the deep roots that connect these regions.

The relationship between Pakistan and CARs is based on a multitude of shared factors, such as culture, norms, religion, and identity. Both regions have leveraged these similarities to foster cooperation. However, the landscape of connectivity transformed significantly with the initiation of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2013 and the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) in 2015.

Remarkably, the modern BRI follows path of ancient Silk Route, traversing through Central and South Asia, which is a testament to longstanding connectivity between these lands. This transformational development has opened new opportunities for both Pakistan and CARs to collaborate and capitalize on their shared heritage for mutual growth and progress.

The dynamics surrounding connectivity, integration, and linkages have undergone a remarkable transformation, presenting unprecedented prospects for cooperation between South and Central Asia. BRI and CPEC have reshaped the traditional understanding of regional connectivity and opened up new avenues for collaboration. While CPEC is not directly linked to Central Asia, there is a growing debate about the possibility of connecting these two regions via Afghanistan in the future. One of the proposed solutions is the development of the Trans-Afghan Railway line, which would link Uzbekistan to Pakistan through Afghanistan, primarily for the purposes of trade and commerce. However, this development is also likely to foster people-to-people contact between the two regions, creating new opportunities for cultural exchange and mutual understanding.

The most common denominator in bilateral relationships is the need for a transit corridor for trade, investment, economy, politics, culture, science, technology, cuisine, and heritage. Due to the majestic mountainous landscape, there is a vast potential for tourism in both regions, Pakistan and Central Asia. Yet, Pakistan offers a better diversity of weather and topography spread across deserts, coastlines, and agricultural heartlands. Apart from this, the instability in Afghanistan have also led to the challenges for bringing both regions closer to each other.

Cooperation in the field of education represents a crucial facet of connectivity between Pakistan and CARs. Every year, thousands of Pakistani students travel to Central Asia to pursue higher education across a range of disciplines. It is imperative to promote educational cooperation and student exchange programs to foster a more educated workforce and promote cross-cultural assimilation based on shared values. In this regard, Pakistan has launched the Vision Central Asia policy initiative to accelerate regional connectivity and integration efforts. The initiative comprises five key pillars of engagement with CARs, including defense, economy, trade, people-to-people contact, and regional connectivity through cultural exchange and regional integration. Vision Central Asia recognizes the importance of a holistic approach to connectivity, encompassing not just economic and trade-related ties but also cultural and educational exchange. By prioritizing education as a central pillar of its connectivity strategy, Pakistan is laying the groundwork for a more vibrant and prosperous future for the entire region.

It is impossible to discuss the historical ties between Pakistan and CARs without acknowledging the significant influence of Central Asia on the dominant culture of Islam in modern-day Pakistan and the formerly subcontinent. The Mughal dynasty, descendants of Taimur, ruled over this land for centuries, leaving an indelible mark on the region’s cultural and religious landscape. They established connectivity corridors that facilitated the exchange of scholars, merchants, traders, fortune hunters, and wanderers, effectively erasing the boundaries between different cultures and religions. The resulting fusion of ideas and beliefs gave rise to a unique synthesis that continues to shape the region’s identity today.

The impact of Central Asia’s historical legacy on Pakistan’s cultural and religious heritage cannot be overstated, and it serves as a testament to the deep and enduring relationship between these regions.

The long-standing cultural exchange between Pakistan and CARs continues to serve as a vital driver of engagement between these two regional actors. However, these efforts are overshadowed by the fragile security situation in Afghanistan, which remains a persistent challenge to regional connectivity. Over the past three decades of bilateral cooperation, two decades have been marred by insecurity in Afghanistan, largely due to the American War on Terror. The regions bordering Afghanistan have felt the brunt of extremism and terrorism spillovers, which have hindered efforts to promote greater connectivity and cooperation in the region. In this context, it is crucial to address the security challenges in Afghanistan and reduce the threat of terrorism to create a conducive environment for sustained regional connectivity and integration. As the situation in Afghanistan remains uncertain, it is imperative for Pakistan and CARs to work together to address the challenges posed by extremism and terrorism and find innovative ways to promote regional cooperation and connectivity.

For more than thirty years of cooperation, Pakistan and Central Asia look forward to another decade of relationship. The steadfast but gradual linkages between both partners bind them to accelerate the collaboration because they have lived past the trust and confidence-building phase. Today, it is time for both actors to build on mutual trust and move towards tangible gains. This region holds the key to unimagined development and growth due to the large reserves of minerals and energy resources. CARs and Pakistan can hit a $1 billion trade volume, operationalize energy transmission lines, open trade and public transit through CPEC, and enhance public diplomacy potential.

How China-Pakistan Economic Corridor Is Contributing To Environment Protection And Green Development?

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Karot First hydropower project under CPEC

“Lucid Waters and Lush Mountains are invaluable assets” stated President Xi Jinping in 2005 when he was the Party chief of Zhejiang province. It has been mentioned by Xi many times, both inside and outside China, to attach importance to environmental protection and green development.

This philosophy for green development is fast changing China into an environment-friendly country directly bringing positive change to the lifestyle and health of not only the Chinese people but also contributing to the preservation of the Earth’s climate thereby contributing to the welfare of the world.

Karot hydro electricity project in Pakistan is in line with this green vision and Pakistan’s own commitment to environmentally friendly and sustainable development. Upholding the green development concept of benefiting the local, this project has won unanimous recognition from IFC, consultants of bank consortiums, local community residents and the Pakistan government.

Eco-civilization should be included as a principle for development strategy. Green development should be highlighted in the country’s development guidelines.

Karot Hydropower Station is the first large-scale hydropower project invested in and developed under China’s Belt and Road Initiative, and the first hydropower investment project under the framework of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). It is also noteworthy that Karot Hydropower Station is the first hydropower project in Pakistan fully adopt Chinese standards and technologies. Starting in 2015, it has finally gone into operation generating environment-friendly and cheap electricity and promoting green development in Pakistan.

A good ecological environment is the fairest public product and the most accessible welfare for the people. Karot is another shining example of the Unique All Weather Strategic Cooperative Partnership between the two Iron Brothers. On 20 April 2015, during his visit to Pakistan, Chinese President Xi Jinping witnessed the groundbreaking ceremony of the Station and now the project is another shining example of strong relations between Pakistan and China.

Invested by the China Three Gorges Corporation, the Karot hydropower project is located in Punjab and is the fourth level of the five cascade hydropower stations planned for the Jhelum River. China Gezhouba Group Co. LTD undertook the construction of the dam, spillway, metal structure and equipment installation of the hydropower station. The project once fully operational will play a positive role by producing 720-megawatt of clean energy and in turn boosting the economy of the country.

Karot Hydropower Station is the fifth largest hydropower Station in Pakistan, generating annually over 3.2 billion kWh of clean energy and satisfying the power demand of more than two million households. Therefore, it has greatly enhanced the power supply in Pakistan. Besides, the project is expected to reduce CO2 emission by 3.5 million tons per year, increasing the proportion of clean energy and optimizing energy mix in Pakistan.

Karot Hydropower Station is designed and constructed in accordance with advanced Chinese hydropower technical standards and managed in line with the sustainable development performance standards of the International Finance Corporation (IFC). Moreover, a series of management plans have been formulated for promoting social and environmental management, community investment, resettlement action, stakeholder management, biodiversity management, etc.

The construction of the project has driven the development of relevant local industries and boosted economic growth. During its implementation, Karot Hydropower Station created approximately 5,000 direct local employment opportunities and gained significant tax revenue for the local government. Besides, the construction, the contractor has carried out in-depth cooperation with the local government to fulfill their social corporate responsibility, including projects for improving people’s livelihood, scholarship programs to support local students for further education in China, and inviting Pakistani hydropower experts to China for field visits, exchanges and joint studies. Karot hydropower project implementation and cooperation thus produced a large number of leading engineers, managers and professional technical teams for the future, upgraded Pakistan’s power sector and supporting industries, and promoted international recognition of China’s hydropower technologies, standards and concepts.

In view of the climate change challenges faced by Pakistan, it is important to shift focus from fossil fuels to clean energy. The priority now being accorded by Pakistan to the construction of hydropower plants is a step in the right direction and in line with our environmental policy and SGD goals and international commitments. Green development is not an empty idea, it’s backed by political will and commitment to safeguarding our environment for future generations by focusing on ecological development and green cities. This ecological revolution can only be achieved if we use our water sources to their best potential

Hydroelectric power development has suffered in Pakistan due to protracted controversy on the construction of dams in certain areas, the most prominent being the Kalabagh Dam on which national consensus could not be developed. Pakistan is faced with huge energy crises negatively affecting the socio-economic growth of the country. It is unfortunate that despite being blessed with tremendous water resources and aptly called the land of five rivers, Pakistan has been unable to extract full advance of this natural bounty. The power mix in Pakistan is a blend of renewable and non-renewable energy sources, however, among them hydro is the most valuable with the greatest potential.

Hydroelectricity has far more advantages than other sources of energy and is ideal for both developed and developing countries like Pakistan. Karot hydroelectricity plant is therefore an important addition to the number of hydroelectricity projects already operating in Pakistan. Some of the major benefits of hydropower produced by projects like the Karot hydropower project are;

  • Hydroelectricity uses the energy of running water, without reducing its quantity, to produce electricity. Therefore, all hydroelectric developments, of small or large size, whether the run of the river or of accumulated storage, fit the concept of renewable energy.
  • Hydroelectricity makes it feasible to utilize other renewable sources. Hydroelectric power plants with accumulation reservoirs offer incomparable operational flexibility since they can immediately respond to fluctuations in the demand for electricity. The flexibility and storage capacity of hydroelectric power plants make them more efficient and economical in supporting the use of intermittent sources of renewable energy, such as solar energy or Aeolian energy.
  • Hydroelectricity promotes guaranteed energy and price stability. River water is a domestic resource that, contrary to fuel or natural gas, is not subject to market fluctuations. In addition to this, it is the only large renewable source of electricity and its cost-benefit ratio, efficiency, flexibility, and reliability assist in optimizing the use of thermal power plants.
  • Hydroelectricity contributes to the storage of drinking water. Hydroelectric power plant reservoirs collect rainwater, which can then be used for consumption or for irrigation. In storing water, they protect the water tables against depletion and reduce our vulnerability to floods and droughts.
  • Hydroelectricity increases the stability and reliability of electricity systems. The operation of electricity systems depends on rapid and flexible generation sources to meet peak demands, maintain the system voltage levels, and quickly re-establish supply after a blackout. Energy generated by hydroelectric installations can be injected into the electricity system faster than that of any other energy source.
  • The capacity of hydroelectric systems to reach maximum production from zero in a rapid and foreseeable manner makes them exceptionally appropriate for addressing alterations in consumption and providing ancillary services to the electricity system, thus maintaining the balance between the electricity supply and demand.
  • Hydroelectricity helps fight climate change. The hydroelectric life cycle produces very small amounts of greenhouse gases (GHG). In emitting less GHG than power plants driven by gas, coal, or oil, hydroelectricity can help retard global warming.
  • Hydroelectricity improves the air we breathe. Hydroelectric power plants don’t release pollutants into the air. They very frequently substitute the generation from fossil fuels, thus reducing acid rain and smog. In addition to this, hydroelectric developments don’t generate toxic by-products.
  • Hydroelectricity offers a significant contribution to development. Hydroelectric installations bring electricity, highways, industry, and commerce to communities, thus developing the economy, expanding access to health and education, and improving the quality of life.
  • Hydroelectricity is a technology that has been known and proven for more than a century. Its impacts are well understood and manageable through measures for mitigating and compensating for the damages. It offers vast potential and is available where development is most necessary.
  • Hydroelectricity means clean and cheap energy for today and for tomorrow. With an average lifetime of 50 to 100 years, hydroelectric developments are long-term investments that can benefit various generations. They can be easily upgraded to incorporate more recent technologies and have very low operating and maintenance costs.
  • Hydroelectricity is a fundamental instrument for sustainable development. Hydroelectric enterprises that are developed and operated in a manner that is economically viable, environmentally sensible, and socially responsible represent the best concept of sustainable development.
  • There are a growing number of jobs available in hydropower, including manufacturing, utilities, professional and business services, construction, trade and transportation, energy systems, water management, environmental science, welding, machinery, and other services. Hydropower creates jobs in rural locations and boosts local economies.

Energy is the basic need of society and plays a significant role in socio-economic progress. Pakistan is facing an energy crisis mainly due to insufficient additions of electricity in the power system. Rapid industrialization, population growth, and a high rate of urbanization represent some of the contributing factors to the energy dilemma.

The energy crisis has affected the country’s gross domestic product, paralyzed production, and caused the social life of citizens to suffer.

The energy shortage has also contributed to unemployment due to the closure of factories. Now, the energy crisis has become a national security issue in Pakistan with the full operationalization of Special Economic Zones, (SEZ) the demand for affordable energy will only increase. Pakistan depends on imported and local fossil fuels to fulfill its energy demands, which consume a significant portion of the country’s financial resources and is a huge burden on the economy.

Fossil fuels are the primary source of power generation in Pakistan. Apart from becoming expensive and unaffordable, fossil fuels are also responsible for environmental pollution and disturbing the balance of the ecosystem. According to energy experts, in addition to the emission of CO2, fossil fuel-based power plants also produce noise, vibration, heat, and release sulfur dioxide (SO2), carbon monoxide (CO), Nitrogen Oxides (NOx), and particulate matter. The presence of CO2 in the atmosphere causes global warming, while NOx depletes the ozone layer. SO2 causes damage to materials and vegetation, produces acid rain and harms human health, and may cause impaired visibility. Air pollution results not only in high cases of breathing-related problems but can also be a leading cause of death. It is therefore not only prudent but absolutely necessary to turn to renewable sources of energy including hydropower.

Pakistan has not fully harnessed the capacity of its vast hydropower potential for electricity generation. In view of the potential benefits, Pakistan should focus its attention on the hydropower sector to explore new resources and gauge the potential of existing ones to meet its energy needs. Hydropower can provide an economical, renewable, clean, and secure source of energy for the country. With new advanced technology and excellent standards used in the construction of the Karot hydropower project, the path for the further development of hydropower has been cleared.

Overview of Afghan History

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An overview of Afghan history.

Turkiye Earthquake 2023

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It’s been almost one month since a 7.8-magnitude earthquake struck the Turkish city of Gaziantep on February 6, followed by dozens of powerful aftershocks. These earthquakes were one of the deadliest for Türkiye.

COP 27 – Challenges and Way Forward

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The 27th UN climate change, conference of parties 27 (COP 27) also termed as ‘Africa’s Cop’ took place in Sharm el Sheikh, Egypt. Generally, the main purpose of COP was to consult and share the ideas to counter global warming by taking necessary actions.

After the Paris Peace Climate Accord, held in COP21, the importance and concerns regarding climate change took an important turn. In addition to this, COP26 was mainly concerned about the actions, written in the Paris Peace Accord, that should be taken to counter the global warming and carbon emissions. Whereas COP27 was focused to promote climate justice as many countries are least responsible for climate crisis but are facing the major loss and damage.

COP27 gave hope to the developing countries to counter loss and damage by receiving climate financing and achieving global decarbonization. Most importantly, the developed states recognized the responsibility to pay for loss and damage to poor and developing countries especially those states who are struggling because of climate disasters.

On the other hand, it has been observed that COP27 did not achieve what was expected. Various reasons contributed to the failures that can be broadly divided into three categories. Firstly, the global politics that encapsulates US-China conflict escalation and Russia Ukraine war. Secondly, the issues of developing and developed states; lack of responsibility, lack of interest and reducing the fossil fuels. Thirdly, the absence of strategies including location and time in which COP27 was being held.

GLOBAL POLITICS

Russia Ukraine War

Developing states did not expect a drastic change in the policies under COP27. Such low expectations were due to the Russia Ukraine war. Now, Ukraine marks almost eleven months since Russia has launched a full-scale invasion and it has literally wreaked havoc in the market of global energy. Especially the prices of crude oil and natural gas has soared to an extent that even developed states are being affected. Hence, it has become a major challenge for states to completely abandon the use of fossil fuels. The results are completely other-worldly, as European states are drastically relying on the coal burnt energy as it is relatively cheaper as compared to the soared crude oil and gas prices.

Let us not forget that states have agreed to limit global temperatures and take steps for different measures and contributions to achieve net carbon zero until 2050, or climate disasters would become irreversible.

US-China Conflict Escalation

United States and China have one of the most complex bilateral relations that has a noticeable impact on the international environment. Conflict escalation is observed between both countries since the US House Speaker, Nancy Pelosi, visited Taiwan to mark a significant show of support for Taiwan against China’s threat. China’s foreign ministry has declared this visit as severe impact on the political foundation of China-US relations. This has further exacerbated the situation against the climate policies to achieve goals that counters global warming, especially carbon emissions.

US and China together contribute 40% of the world’s carbon emissions. Most importantly, last year in COP26, US and China, surprisingly, reached a deal in which they agreed to collaborate by taking collective measures to reverse global warming.

Hence, COP26 had its own importance as the deal between United States and China was a very positive development.

No matter how unfortunate it may seem, the US-China conflict drastically affected the outcomes of COP27. The Foreign Minister of Egypt, after COP27, explained how the delegates did not make a clear commitment to further proceed to eliminate the use of fossil fuels. The agreements were very vague to show concerns regarding the loss and damage occurred by the climate disasters. However, the absence of collaboration between both the states will result in a failure of any meaningful outcome in future COPs.

ISSUES OF DEVELOPING AND DEVELOPED STATES

The ‘Phase Out’ or ‘Phase Down’ of Fossil Fuels

The Glasgow Climate Pact focuses on subsidies for fossil fuels and to reduce the usage of unabated coal. India’s climate minister Bhupender Yadav argued that the developing nations still have to deal with their development ambitions and poverty eradication and questioned how they could commit to ending subsidies for coal and fossil fuels. Moreover, India is demanding to phase down every fossil fuel not only coal.

The debate regarding ‘Phaseout’ and ‘Phase down’ remained under war of words and no serious outcome was observed in this COP. Hence, just like COP 26 some states were dissatisfied with the outcome, but in the end, the countries must agree to phase out coal rather than step down, considering the situation and occurrence of climate disasters.

The most recent major report from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change made it abundantly clear that in order to maintain hope of limiting global warming to 1.5C above pre-industrial levels, the world must halve emissions by 2030. This change would require urgently reducing fossil fuel use across the board. After that point, climate disasters will be far more devastating.

India has been a leading voice in favor of the shift, which goes against the conventional wisdom and climate policies. The experts have predicted that India’s carbon emissions would increase by 6 percent by the end of 2022.

Lack of Interest of Developed States

As we know, every state has some internal affairs and policies especially related to domestic issues. Many developments and economic issues may affect their pledges made at the climate change conference, considering an example of the UK, since Rishi Sunik came to power.

Compared to other COPs, this one is more difficult to assess because there was no decisive moment. The world is obviously not on track to achieve the Paris Agreement’s aims at this time. This shifts the burden of proof to developed countries to show that they are making genuine efforts to deal with climate disasters and reduce carbon emissions. Apart from this, every developing state is supposed to keep an eye out for unambiguous signs that a country is making rapid and fruitful improvement. During this global turmoil, developing states also need to witness concrete examples of real political will. The need to keep the clean energy transition should be kept firmly in mind if states want to ensure their survival in the current climate conditions.

China’s collaboration is very significant to understand how much it is prepared to provide and how it will demonstrate its commitment to take required steps to meet the 1.5°C objective is a significant question mark hovering over the COP.

Many nations require more strict emission reduction targets. During the conference, Alok Sharma MP, President of COP26 in Glasgow, highlighted worries about COP27. In addition, he stated, “Emission reductions before 2025 are important, but they are not in the language, nor are strong promises to phase out fossil fuels, and the energy wording was reduced at the last minute.”

Developed states are the sovereign states and their contribution towards decision making is extremely important. Hence states must focus on increasing bilateral and multi-lateral relations to maximize collaboration.

TIME, PLACE AND STRATEGIES

Location and Time of COP-27

Last year, COP26 was being criticized that it was too much focused on the north and is marginalizing the voices of other regions. In context to this, Egypt was nominated as a host for COP27, so that the marginalized voices of other continents must be heard. As many countries in the Global south are far more prone to the climate disasters and have experienced droughts, flooding and extreme weather conditions.

Egypt is currently under military rule, having General Abdel Fattah el-Sisi as president. The current political system has a strong control on the civilians as it has taken a shift from monarchy towards the military rule. With having already restricted attention of media and being controlled by Egyptian security forces, only limited presence of civil society was allowed.

While the summit was being held, residents were restricted and there were various checkpoints to restrict and limit local attendance. Many delegates were concerned regarding the Egyptian dictatorship as the tightly controlled security may hinder the effective negotiations. Additionally, the civil society organizations were not able to effectively contribute towards the discussion regarding the climate issues due to the authoritarian rule in Egypt.

Cop 27 was about to start in few days followed by the G20 summit. Country heads were busy in debating that which conference they should attend. Due to geo-political tensions like Russia Ukraine war and China Taiwan crisis world had already entered in the ‘catastrophic stage’ in terms of the economy and climate. Climate change is putting risks to national economies hence, the significance of the simultaneous occurrence of these two gatherings cannot be overstated as Cop27 and G20 were a necessity. However, their simultaneous occurrence has also affected outcomes of the conference.

Absence of Strategies

It should not be taken for granted that, for the very first time, developed states have at least agreed to provide climate assistance to the poor and developing countries. Mostly, the rich countries are those that are known for creating most of the carbon emissions that are drastic for humanity. However, the COP27 has left a major vacuum in the discussions when no clear strategies were made regarding the financial aid. Clear strategies would allow every state to understand how much each country that is being affected by carbon emissions is going to receive aid, and how much each country is supposed to donate. Such strategies would lead to such policies which will hold those developed states responsible and at least they are contributing for the damages that developing states are facing with already soared economic conditions.

Recommendations

  • COP27 has been hailed as the world’s last chance to prevent global warming of more than 1.5 degrees Celsius above pre-industrial levels. According to a recent analysis, countries’ new plans are inadequate, therefore world is on pace for between 2.4C and 2.8C warming. Hence COP28 must bring results instead of discussions.
  • Since major economies like India and China are not in favor of being required contributors to the fund, next year’s, COP28, meeting must focus on clarifying the donor base and beneficiaries’ points on the loss and damage fund agreement at COP27 in Sharm el-Sheikh.
  • At COP27, countries also agreed to form a “transitional committee” to advise on how to put the new financial arrangements and the fund into action at the following year’s COP28. Therefore, the loss and damage fund must focus on the proper strategies regarding fund distribution by institutional arrangements and governance for developing or vulnerable countries.
  • The transitional committee must also focus on the deserving states and the amount of fund being distributed is not unjust.
  • China and India demanded “phase out” to be shifted to “phase down”. Which clearly shows that getting rid of fossil fuels is not easy as the issue has become a major point of contention. The alternative ideas must be given to the states which are dependent on coal otherwise this issue will stay the same in COP28.
  • Climate experts have raised the issue regarding FIFA world cup, criticizing that that the money is already there but is not being used to stop and control the carbon emissions. Hence, states are capable enough to provide funds to vulnerable states. The money is there but sense of responsibility is not.
  • Climate change is a global issue, instead of dividing, US and China must focus on uniting in terms of climate as COP27 was considered as a last chance.
  • European Union must reconsider and look at carbon-intensive coal as an alternative energy source which will ultimately reduce its emissions by nearly 0.8%.

There is an urgent need for healing. However, doing so would be similar to treating symptoms rather than causes. Not focusing on the more pressing aim of speeding up a low-carbon and climate-resilient transition and rapidly scaling solutions because of the need to get the loss and damage fund specifics correct is a serious mistake.

Conclusion

The climate summit concluded with a breakthrough agreement for developing nations. It was disappointing that there were no agreements to reduce greenhouse gas emissions further. Although in COP 27, states agreed to establish funds to assist developing nations in recovering from climate-related disasters such as flooding. United Nations Secretary General Antonio Guterres viewed it as an important step towards justice as it would help poor nations that face climate disasters and are more vulnerable. It has been criticized that there was no new carbon reduction pledge, and these negotiations were scheduled and rescheduled until the ‘loss and damage’ agreement was finalized. Obviously, this will not be sufficient, as proper strategies are needed to distribute funds through under proper governance to restore lost trust of Climate vulnerable states.

Kazakhstan Elections: An Overview

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The start of this year could not have been any more different for Kazakhstan when compared to the tragic January of 2022. Just over twelve months ago, the country was amidst a violent coup attempt orchestrated by groups that wanted to see the nation collapse. There was a real possibility that Kazakhstan’s statehood would fall apart from within, which would have had reverberating consequences well beyond Central Asia.

Fortunately, the country managed to not only recover from the wounds of January 2022 events but to further strengthen the foundations of our governance through political and socio-economic changes.

Fast forward twelve months from January 2022, and the country is quite unrecognizable. The constitutional amendments that were implemented following the nationwide referendum in June 2022 have ushered in new democratic principles in the country, including a more influential parliament, limited presidential powers, simplified procedures for registering new political parties, direct elections of akims (mayors), among many other important measures.

Several political initiatives have launched from January this year. Perhaps most significant is the establishment of the Constitutional Court, to which every citizen can apply, including the Commissioner for Human Rights and the Prosecutor General. The Court will ensure that the country’s laws are in line with the Constitution and will protect the fundamental rights of their citizens. Elvira Azimova, the first Chairperson of the Constitutional Court, previously worked as Commissioner for Human Rights in Kazakhstan. This is a clear indication of the Court’s priorities and direction.

Now, Kazakhstan is moving fast towards Mazhilis (the lower house of parliament) and maslikhats (local representative bodies) elections on March 19. These elections will be unique in many respects.

Firstly, two recently established political parties will participate in the vote. For instance, towards the end of last year, the Green Party was established in Kazakhstan, which will raise awareness of ecological issues – an area that is of vital importance due to the ongoing climate change challenges. And the Islamic Republic of Pakistan is no exception.

As a result of a major flood in the history of Pakistan, which occurred in the summer and autumn of last 2022, more than 30 million Pakistani citizens were left homeless. The damage caused to agricultural land, livestock and urban infrastructure is a direct evidence of the relevance of the environmental agenda.

Overall, seven parties are now registered in the country offering a plethora of political choice for the electorate. Their participation in competitive elections will further contribute to strengthening a multi-party system by increasing plurality and influence of opposition politics, an objective which the country has been working towards for the past several years. Significantly, the threshold for parties to enter the Mazhilis has been reduced from seven to five percent, making it easier for opposition parties to enter parliament and play an important role in increasing government accountability.

Secondly, a mixed proportional-majoritarian model will be used for the first time for the election to the Mazhilis since 2004, where 70 percent of deputies will be elected proportionally from party lists, and 30 percent by majoritarian rule from single-member districts. This means that 29 out of 98 members of parliament will be elected in single-mandate constituencies, while 69 will be elected from party lists under the proportional representation model from a single nationwide constituency. The elections to the maslikhats of districts and cities of national importance will also be held under a mixed electoral system, with a 50/50 ratio, while lower level maslikhats will be elected completely under a majoritarian rule.

In addition, an against all option will be included on the ballots, which will give the electorate the opportunity to express their disapproval of all candidates should they wish to do so. Finally, a 30 percent quota for women, youth, and persons with special needs has been established at the legislative level in the distribution of the mandates of the members of parliament from the party lists. This ensures wider representation in parliament of all groups in Kazakhstan.

The country has always shown its commitment to holding free, open, and fair elections. The role of election monitors is undoubtedly crucial in this regard. As with previous elections, including the presidential election in November 2022, we have invited 10 international organizations and scores of observers from foreign nations to observe the election. Kazakhstan expects the largest election observation missions from the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) and the Commonwealth of Independent States.

A delegation of observers from the Islamic Republic of Pakistan will take part in these elections for the first time, this visit will contribute to further strengthening the parliamentary dialogue.

As is commonly known, in December 2022, Mr. Yerlan Koshanov, the Chairman of the Mazhilis of the Parliament of the Republic of Kazakhstan paid an official visit to Islamabad for the first time in the history of bilateral relations between Kazakhstan and Pakistan. This visit served as an additional incentive to the development of inter-parliamentary cooperation.

The upcoming elections will mark another important milestone in the development of Kazakhstan’s democracy. Many were unsure whether the country would recover after the unrest in January 2022. Yet they have managed to overcome this hurdle.

In addition to demonstrating our resilience and stability, they have transformed our country through significant political and socio-economic initiatives.

The elections will not change the country overnight, but they will further contribute to the creation of a Just Kazakhstan – a prosperous society, and a more vibrant, dynamic and competitive political system. Such a country will be an even stronger and more committed partner for cooperation for the international community, including for the Islamic Republic of Pakistan in both bilateral and multilateral formats, primarily in the context of regional cooperation.

As the world continues to navigate current geopolitical and economic challenges, a stable and thriving Kazakhstan is to the benefit of not just their own citizens, but to the whole region and beyond. The political reforms, supported by competitive elections, is the foundation on which we will ensure the stability and continue to build the future of Kazakhstan.

Syrian Civil War: A Brief Overview

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Since the Arab uprising in 2011, commonly known as the Arab Spring, the Middle Eastern region in general and Syria, in particular, are entangled in a long spiral of violent conflicts. Although initially the uprising was triggered by an individual incident of self-immolation of a vendor (Muhammad Bu Azizi) in Tunisia, however, its roots are embedded deep in history. The deep socio-political and economic chasms and inequalities between the rulers and the ruled led to the emergence of inherent conflicts within these countries which ultimately manifested into violence in the backdrop of the Arab Spring. People stood up against the tyranny and despotism of these rulers who had been ruling them for decades, demanding greater individual freedom and equality.

The conflict in Syria is the continuation of the Arab Spring, which emerged as a result of people’s protest against Bashar Al Asad’s regime that turned into an unending violent civil war.

Since March 2011, people took to the streets against the oppressive regime, demanding their rights to freedom and access to an economic and political institution without any discrimination. However, the coercive government response and the interplay between and among the regional and international players for their own vested interests plunged this country into an unabated cycle of violence resulting in the worst humanitarian crisis after the Second World War. More than 500,000 people have been killed and over 10 million Syrians have been displaced.

Syria like the rest of Middle Eastern societies is a multi-communal society divided mainly along sectarian lines. A Muslim majority state comprising 74% Sunnis, 16% other sects (Alawites, Druze & Ismailis), and 10% Christian and Jewish population. Such multi-communal societies, where one community dominates and is unresponsive to the needs of other communities, provide firm bases for conflicts to arise. Syria is a Sunni-majority state that has been ruled by the Alawite minority since the early 1960s. With their ascendency to power, Hafiz al Assad embarked upon policies of discrimination and marginalization mainly on the basis of sectarian affinities and affiliations. In an attempt to consolidate and sustain his power, Suunis from all the important political and military positions were replaced with minority Alawites, thus deepening the feelings of hatred and animosity which had been there between these sects since Ottoman rule. Though apparently secular, his regime was avowedly prejudiced and hostage to socio-political and economic inequalities that privileged Alawites while discriminating against the Sunni majority.

After the death of Hafez Al Assad, his son Bashar Al Assad succeeded him as the new president of Syria in 2000. Inheriting a fragmented society where there was a disarticulation between the state and the society mainly on the basis of non-identical identities, Bashar Al Assad tried to unite his people but to no avail. His cosmetic reforms agenda coupled with an enforced integration of society plan further alienated people from the state resulting in more fragmentation and divisions, pitting the two major sects against one another. The Arab Spring proved to be the proverbial last nail in the coffin. People’s protests against growing inequalities and injustices were met with a coercive state response with a concocted plea presenting the protestors as Sunni extremists to overthrow the Alawite government purely on the basis of sectarianism. Hence the struggle against the repressive policies of the regime was deliberately transformed into a sectarian conflict that invited many regional players, protracting the war.

The protraction and longevity of the Syrian civil war owe greatly to the communal discord between the Sunnis and the Alawites that had been brewing up since Ottoman rule and exploited by Hafez and Bashar Al Assad for sustaining their rule.

Hence the underlying socio-political and economic grievances fed into the already existing communal fault lines resulting in a long brutal civil war. Capitalizing upon the sectarian element, the regional powers, mainly Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Iran threw their weights behind opposing parties to the conflict for their own vested interests. Due to changing geopolitical dynamic of the region, Iran and Saudi Arabia has been wrestling for political and religious hegemony in the region. While Turkey’s policies in the Syrian conflict remained in flux throughout this period due to its changing foreign policy objective. In the preceding years of the war, it supported the rebel groups (including Kurdish militias) who were fighting the regime forces and ISIS in an attempt to quell international terrorism. But due to fear of Kurdish empowerment, it joined hands with Russia and Iran in supporting Assad in order to restrain Kurdish activities.

Similarly, the dissatisfaction of international powers with the existing global power structure and the declining hegemony of the US in the international political arena encouraged other states like Russia and China to challenge the status quo. Since then these powers have been utilizing every misstep of the US to the fullest. Owing to declining US dominancy in the Middle East they have been flexing their muscles in a bid to outdo it. With this objective in mind, Russia has been vocal.

Book Review – The Economic Weapon

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When Russia invaded Ukraine in February 2022, the United States and the European Union implemented harsh economic and financial sanctions on Moscow. The financial costs and repercussions of these sanctions have been felt throughout the globe. As a result, Nicholas Mulder’s latest book, which explores the development of economic sanctions as a weapon for policymaking in the 1920s, comes at an ideal moment.

Mulder, a history professor at Cornell University, aims to clarify “how economic sanctions began in the three decades following World War I and grew into their contemporary form.” “The economic weapon exposes itself as one of liberal internationalism’s most durable creations of the twentieth century,” he writes in his conclusion.

The economic weapon exposes itself as one of liberal internationalism’s most durable creations of the twentieth century.

Economic pressure has always been an element of international relations, but more often as a supplementary tactic to outright hostilities, as in the case of Britain’s blockade of Europe during the Napoleonic Wars. Yet, after World War I, the notion that economic sanctions may be used to penalize and deter aggressors during times of peace emerged. Sanctions were no longer only a tool of war; they may have served as a peacemaker. At least, it is what the League of Nations’ founders envisioned. The notion, according to Mulder, ‘had a considerably more significant influence on modern history than is typically supposed. It fundamentally affected the interwar world and, consequently, the structure of the political and economic system we live in today.

Mulder’s book is organized into three sections, each with multiple chapters. The issue of sanctions during the Paris peace talks after World War I and the usage of blockades during those talks are covered in the first section. The discussion amongst liberal internationalists concerning the advantages of sanctions vs. neutrality in different wars is covered in the second chapter, which looks at the ‘legitimacy’ of sanctions throughout the 1920s. The third section investigates the use of economic penalties throughout the 1930s crisis before the start of World War Two. One chapter concentrates on the League of Nations’ penalties against Mussolini’s Italy for the 1935 invasion of Ethiopia. Those measures forced the Axis nations to work towards self-sufficiency. The book contends that ‘the strengthening of autarky in the mid-1930s might be regarded as motivated partly by a broad “blockade-phobia” spurred on by memories of economic war and maintained alive by sanctions’.

In fact, according to Mulder’s account, the unwinding of economic restrictions did not go as expected. Sanctions were utilized by the powerful against the powerless rather than as deterrence by the powerful. Western European nations used sanctions as a “disciplinary tool of the Western empire” and “a type of dominance without hegemony” against the periphery. Additionally, the weaker nations that were the target of sanctions suffered great harm. After World War I, malnutrition and disease caused by the blockade killed between 300,000 and 400,000 people in Central Europe, while the Anglo-French embargo also caused 500,000 fatalities in the Ottoman territories of the Middle East.

Sanctions could have even backfired. “Sanctions encouraged this nationalist trend rather than halting it and the danger of conflict it implied,” says Mulder. Target nations’ efforts to become robust and intensify their pursuit of economic security led to an “unintentional disruptive effect” played by sanctions that boosted the forces of nationalism and autarky.

Mulder considers it amusing that following World War II, the United States, which had technically declared itself neutral throughout the interwar years, often used the policy while first opposing it. He is concerned about the human cost of sanctions and that they are not employed to prevent conflict but for other objectives.

Mulder thinks that sanctions often fail to accomplish their goals, cause collateral harm, and sometimes have unintended effects. The ‘history of sanctions is primarily a history of disappointment,’ he writes, and ‘ultimately, weaving enmity into the fabric of international relations and human interaction is of small service in transforming the world.’ He is appalled by the function that sanctions have in the contemporary world. ‘Now, as the international economy struggles from financial crises, nationalism, trade conflicts, and a worldwide pandemic, sanctions are exacerbating existing tensions within globalization, unintentional injuries may be equally as damaging as intentional ones.

The book is thorough but may only interest those who wish to delve deeply into the history and application of sanctions during the interwar era.

Cyber-Warfare and Pakistan Maritime Security

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Cyber warfare can have a significant impact on maritime security, as many aspects of the maritime industry rely on digital technologies and networks. For example, shipping companies and ports use complex computer systems to manage cargo, navigation, and communication.

Cyber attacks on complex computer systems could result in serious disruptions to the movement of goods and people, as well as potential safety hazards.

Similarly, military vessels and equipment also rely heavily on digital technologies, such as navigation and communication systems, which could be targeted in a cyber attack. Moreover, cyber-attacks can be used to steal sensitive information, such as cargo manifests, ship positions, or military intelligence, which can be exploited for criminal or strategic purposes. To address these risks, it is essential to develop strong cybersecurity measures and protocols for the maritime industry, including training personnel to recognize and respond to potential threats. Additionally, international cooperation and information-sharing are important to detect and respond to cyber-attacks and prevent future incidents. However, like any country with a significant maritime industry, Pakistan’s maritime security could be vulnerable to cyber attacks, especially as the industry relies on complex computer systems and networks to manage shipping, cargo, navigation, and communication.

Pakistan has been taking steps to enhance its cybersecurity posture, including the establishment of a National Centre for Cyber Security in 2018 and the development of a National Cyber Security Policy. However, the evolving nature of cyber threats, coupled with the rapid advancement of technology, means that maritime security in Pakistan and other countries can never be fully immune to cyber attacks.

International cooperation and information-sharing are important to detect and respond to cyber-attacks and prevent future incidents.

It is important for maritime organizations and authorities in Pakistan to continually review and enhance their cybersecurity measures and protocols, including implementing regular risk assessments, training personnel to recognize and respond to potential threats, and establishing effective incident response plans to minimize the impact of cyber attacks. Moreover, international cooperation and information-sharing can help to detect and respond to cyber attacks more efficiently and prevent future incidents.

There have been several reported incidents of cyber attacks on maritime systems in Pakistan in recent years. In 2018, it was reported that Pakistani shipping company, M.S.T.C.S., had fallen victim to a cyber attack that resulted in the loss of important data and the disruption of operations. The company had to shut down its IT systems for a period of time to mitigate the attack’s impact.

In 2020, Pakistan’s largest shipping company, Pakistan National Shipping Corporation (PNSC), also reported a cyber attack that impacted its operations. The company was forced to shut down its IT systems temporarily to investigate the attack and restore its services. Furthermore, in January 2021, a data breach was reported in Pakistan’s largest port, the Karachi Port Trust (KPT). The breach exposed sensitive data, including confidential documents and emails, belonging to the port and its customers. These incidents highlight the need for strong cybersecurity measures and protocols to protect maritime systems and data against potential cyber-attacks.

Maritime organizations and authorities in Pakistan and around the world must continually monitor their systems and networks for potential threats and work to improve their cybersecurity posture to prevent and respond to cyber-attacks effectively.

There are several ways that Pakistan can counter cyber threats to its maritime security:

1- Pakistan can develop a comprehensive cybersecurity strategy that includes measures to protect the maritime industry against cyber attacks. This strategy should include risk assessments, cybersecurity standards, and protocols for detecting, responding to, and recovering from cyber-attacks.

2- Maritime organizations and authorities in Pakistan can conduct regular cybersecurity assessments and audits to identify vulnerabilities and potential threats to their systems and networks.

3- Pakistan can implement strong cybersecurity measures, such as firewalls, encryption, intrusion detection, and prevention systems, and access control policies, to protect its maritime systems and networks.

4- Maritime personnel in Pakistan can receive training on cybersecurity best practices, such as identifying and reporting potential cyber threats, maintaining strong passwords, and recognizing phishing scams.

5- Pakistan can foster international cooperation and information-sharing on cybersecurity issues with other countries and maritime organizations to detect and respond to cyber attacks more effectively and prevent future incidents.

6- Maritime organizations and authorities in Pakistan can establish effective incident response plans to minimize the impact of cyber-attacks and recover quickly from any damage or disruption caused by an attack.

Overall, implementing a multi-layered cybersecurity approach that includes education, training, and the implementation of appropriate technological solutions can help Pakistan protect its maritime industry against cyber threats