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SAARC: Struggles and Prospects for Regional Cooperation in South Asia

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The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), established in 1985 with great fanfare and high expectations for regional cooperation and connectivity, has fallen into limbo since 2015 when India refused to attend the SAARC Summit under Pakistan’s Chair.  SAARC was launched with the vision to advance cooperation by replacing contradictions, dispelling a lack of trust with interconnectedness, and eliminating poverty in the region through economic integration that got hampered by the overarching influence of India in the region. Despite almost four decades since its inception, SAARC has failed to achieve its policy initiatives and objectives.

Regional cooperation is often facilitated by an environment of peace and stability, and a willingness to coordinate and accommodate each other within an organization.

On the other hand, mistrust and tensions create hindrances to cooperation as has been the case in the context of SAARC. India, the largest member and the only one that shares borders with all SAARC members except Afghanistan has played a manipulative role to impose its hegemony within SAARC. Pakistan on the other hand has worked to strengthen SAARC as a platform of regional cooperation, trade, and connectivity.

The annual SAARC summit provides a valuable platform for South Asian leaders to exchange views on areas of regional connectivity, address variations, negotiate when required on common concerns, and formalize agreements as a symbol of collective cooperation. While all members adhere to the understanding not to discuss contentious bilateral issues, the Summit provides opportunities for side-line meetings or at the Retreat to create personal rapport and understanding that eventually help to resolve or at least discuss differences/contentious issues such as the Kashmir dispute.  Article III of the SAARC Charter stipulates regular meetings of the Heads of the states and governments and all decisions based on consensus. However, the SAARC leaders have failed to host a summit time and again. The Summit meetings have had to be invariably postponed because of India’s refusal to attend on one pretext or the other. The 19th SAARC Summit in Islamabad under Pakistan’s chairmanship in November 2016 has not been held so far due to India’s arrogance. India used the Uri and Pulwama incidents as an excuse to accuse Pakistan of terrorism and refused to participate in the SAARC Summit. Other SAARC members, who are woefully dependent on India’s goodwill, dare not voice any objections; rather they have towed India’s excuses in favor of postponement.

The SAARC story of 38 years shows that the regional organization has faced many setbacks as is evident from frequent Summit postponements and the failure of SAFTA and other collaborative mechanisms.

The underlying factor, however, has been the hostile relations between Pakistan and India. Many analysts in the SAARC member countries have talked about the possible or imminent demise of SAARC. Other than the icy bilateral relations between India and Pakistan, the Indian media cite factors such as political chaos, extremism, insurgencies, economic recession, etc. to have contributed to lethargic regional cooperation and irregularity in SAARC Summit.  It has been said time and again that South Asia is the least integrated region in the world.

It should be remembered that SAARC members did make substantial efforts to enhance economic and commercial connectivity and social development within the region as shown by SAARC Preferential Trading Agreement (SAPTA).  SAPTA failed to resolve trade disputes between India and other SAARC nations. Its successor, the South Asian Free Trade Area (SAFTA) launched in 2004 was also unable to achieve success due to persistent tensions in the region. This is evident from its diminishing scope as it got reduced to only focusing on intraregional trade neglecting the interregional aspect of economic cooperation with other regional nations.

So, should one conclude that SAARC is dead, or can it still be revived? The spirit of engagement and cooperation at the heart of SAARC has gone amiss. India, the largest SAARC member, is no longer interested in South Asian regional cooperation. India has lured SAARC members other than Pakistan into multilateral fora such as Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) and Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC). India has distanced itself from SAARC, primarily because it wanted to isolate Pakistan within the region. Also, it does not want to be associated with smaller regional powers. With its global aspirations, India perceives itself in the league of major powers of the world. The US-India strategic partnership, where the United States considers India as a central actor in its strategy to contain China, has further boosted India’s sense of being a major power.

For the present, SAARC is on a ventilator, notwithstanding Pakistan’s willingness to revive it. Pakistan has yet to assume its Chairmanship since 2015. Its efforts remain limited to expressions of intent. Thus revival of SAARC appears unlikely as long as relations between India and Pakistan are not normalized. If in some distant future, their bilateral relations move towards normalization, it may inject hope for regional cooperation in South Asia under the SAARC mechanism. In the meantime, Pakistan can request Nepal, the current SAARC Chairman, to call for meetings on urgent and pressing issues such as Climate Change that require regional cooperation among SAARC member countries. SAARC Art and Culture Festival is another event that can bring SAARC members on a platform of the least common denominator. However, there are very slim chances of India’s acceptance of Nepal’s proposals. Well if it does not, Pakistan having tried several times before to bring SAARC together, gave it another try.

The national interests of a country are the driving force underpinning its relations with other countries. When SAARC was launched, it was envisaged as a program that would promote regional integration on lines similar to ASEAN and the EU. However, even after 38 years, multitudes of meetings, and institutional mechanisms, SAARC has not been allowed to contribute much to promote inter-regional trade and integration due to enduring conflicts in South Asia. Just like other countries, Pakistan has explored other regional organizations and international fora such as ECO, D8, and SCO.

In keeping with the National Security Policy’s vision of geo-economic development, Pakistan is looking to create its own paradigm for regional trade, cooperation, and connectivity with countries in its western neighborhood.

That does not foreclose Pakistan’s interest in regional cooperation in South Asia within the SAARC ambit. Pakistan would be willing to revive SAARC under its chairmanship when that happens in the near or distant future.

Powering Progress: The Economic Synergy of Pakistan and Iran

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Pakistan and Iran share a complex relationship characterized by both cooperation and challenges, particularly in the areas of border security, border trade, and gas pipeline cooperation. Analyzing these aspects provides a comprehensive understanding of the dynamics between the two countries.

A first border market was opened by the highest officials of Pakistan and Iran as bilateral ties improve. The marketplace is the first of six to be built along the Pakistan-Iran border

In a landmark gesture to foster regional trade and energy cooperation, the leaders of Iran and Pakistan jointly opened a market and a power transmission line along their shared border. In a live broadcast from the Iranian side of the two countries’ more than 900-kilometer border, a first border market was opened by the highest officials of Pakistan and Iran as bilateral ties improve. The marketplace is the first of six to be built along the Pakistan-Iran border as part of a 2012 deal reached by the two countries, and it is situated in the isolated village of Pashin in Pakistan’s southern Balochistan region. The two nations’ joint marketplace connects the cities of Pishin in Iran’s southeast and Mand in Pakistan’s southwest. Both parties agreed to strengthen their business and economic connections, and Raisi was invited to visit Islamabad, the Pakistani capital.

This is the first such trip since 2013, when the two countries, over American objections, negotiated a deal allowing Pakistan to import Iranian gas. At that time, Tehran declared, “The West has no right to block the project.” U.S. sanctions against Iran prevented the accord from being put into effect. Pakistan has tried to preserve relationships with Iran, which is predominately Shiite, while maintaining tight ties with Sunni superpower Saudi Arabia. In a deal mediated by China, longtime enemies Riyad and Tehran fixed their ties.

Raisi, stated that the initiative had prepared Tehran and Islamabad to extend their economic and energy exchanges and that Iran is completely prepared to further deepen its connections with our neighboring country Pakistan in the energy sector. An electricity transmission line that would bring Iranian electricity to some of Pakistan’s rural regions was also officially opened by the two leaders. Balochistan, a region bordering Pakistan, would get 100 megawatts of Iranian electricity via the transmission line. 100 megawatts of cheap Iranian power are already imported into the resource-rich but impoverished region.

By boosting bilateral “retail trade” and helping to create jobs. This project’s message is one of security. Both nations view border security as a chance rather than a danger.

According to Raisi, the facilities will benefit thousands of households on both sides of the distant, impoverished regions by boosting bilateral “retail trade” and helping to create jobs. This project’s message is one of security. Both nations view border security as a chance rather than a danger. Both leaders spoke informally about measures to improve border security cooperation at a meeting that took place in conjunction with the inauguration. Exchanging ideas on how to strengthen and synchronize the unified border security system. In terms of border trade, Pakistan and Iran have been working to promote economic ties and enhance bilateral trade. Several border crossing points have been established, facilitating the movement of goods and people. Both countries have also taken steps to simplify customs procedures and reduce trade barriers. However, trade volumes remain below their potential due to various challenges, including infrastructural limitations, cumbersome bureaucratic processes, and sanctions imposed on Iran. Enhancing trade ties requires addressing these obstacles and exploring new avenues for economic cooperation, which could contribute to the economic development of both nations.

Long-standing causes of enmity between the two countries have included insurgent strikes in sparsely populated Balochistan and deadly attacks by Sunni terrorists in Shi’ite Iran’s neighboring Sistan-Balochistan region. Because of cross-border attacks by Pakistani extremists along their common border, ties between Iran and Pakistan have been tense. An ongoing unrest demanding Balochistan’s independence from the Islamabad-based federal government has been led by small separatist organizations. In recent years, militants opposed to Iran from Pakistan have also targeted the Iranian border, escalating tensions between the two nations. Both governments have accused the other of not doing enough to stop extremist strikes across international borders.

Pakistan and Iran have been working together to address common concerns such as cross-border smuggling, drug trafficking, and militant activities. Both countries have engaged in intelligence-sharing and coordinated border patrols to enhance security along their shared border.

On the issue of border security, Pakistan and Iran have been working together to address common concerns such as cross-border smuggling, drug trafficking, and militant activities. Both countries have engaged in intelligence-sharing and coordinated border patrols to enhance security along their shared border. However, challenges persist, as the border region remains vulnerable to infiltration by non-state actors and criminal networks. Efforts to strengthen border security through increased coordination and joint operations continue to be essential for maintaining stability in the region.

The gas pipeline cooperation between Pakistan and Iran, commonly known as the Iran-Pakistan (IP) Gas Pipeline, has faced numerous hurdles. The project aims to supply natural gas from Iran to Pakistan, which would help address Pakistan’s energy needs. However, the implementation of the pipeline has been delayed due to various factors, including international sanctions on Iran, financial constraints, and geopolitical considerations. Despite initial agreements, progress has been slow, with the project facing uncertainty and periodic suspension. The successful completion of the IP Gas Pipeline could significantly contribute to Pakistan’s energy security and strengthen economic ties between the two countries.

Iran and Pakistan inked an agreement in 1990 to build an approximately 2,700-kilometer gas pipeline to sell Iranian gas to their South Asian neighbor.

However, overcoming the challenges and reaching a mutually beneficial agreement remains a complex task. Iran and Pakistan inked an agreement in 1990 to build an approximately 2,700-kilometer gas pipeline to sell Iranian gas to their South Asian neighbor. However, US sanctions on Iran stymied any progress on the project. Iranian authorities claim that they have completed work on their side of the border and are waiting on Pakistan to finish its portion, warning that failure to make progress by next year will enable Tehran to seek multibillion-dollar fines. Pakistan, on the other hand, remains committed to the pipeline project. Pakistan regards the Iran-Pakistan pipeline as a crucial project that symbolizes Pakistan’s friendliness.

Addressing common security concerns, promoting trade facilitation, and realizing the potential of the gas pipeline cooperation require sustained efforts, diplomatic negotiations, and regional cooperation.

Pakistan and Iran’s relationship on border security, border trade, and gas pipeline cooperation exhibits a mixture of cooperation and challenges. Addressing common security concerns, promoting trade facilitation, and realizing the potential of the gas pipeline cooperation require sustained efforts, diplomatic negotiations, and regional cooperation. By addressing these issues, Pakistan and Iran can foster a more robust and mutually beneficial relationship that contributes to regional stability, economic growth, and energy security.

The Solution to Khalistan Problem: Structural Change Not Scapegoating

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The manhunt for Amritpal Singh has finally ended with his arrest from Rode Village in Punjab’s Moga district on April 23. Numerous controversies abound about his arrival to preeminence as well as his arrest with various sectors in India blaming Pakistan-based Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) for covering the entire gamut of socio-political and economic travails stumping the Sikh Community in India.

Contrary to such controversies, C. Christine Fair, professor at Georgetown University, encapsulates in its Foreign Policy Article that after talking to some well-placed sources in Punjab and Delhi, it came to the fore that Amritpal might have been nurtured by the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) and sent abroad to Dubai to track surge of Khalistan Movement over there. It is this pain-staking continuous hare and hounds festered by historically unresolved problems battering the Sikh community that the Khalistan spirit that was always simmering is boiling today. The urge for Khalistan has been simmering even before the independence of India as seen in terms of the creation of the Akali Dal in 1921. Akali Dal was a political party (morphed into Shiromani Akali Dal today) whose minimal demand popped up to be autonomy with secession standing as its maximal position.

India might continue to blame Pakistan for funding or steaming the movement but its own systemic dilemmas are no hidden reality to the world today. Edward Azar mentions in his theory of pro-traced social conflict that economic disparity, political discrimination, and one particular group dominating another become the utmost reasons for any social conflict within a state. This theory fits in India’s case scenario as well whereby the fascist Hindutva regime has the precedence of fraying all its minorities, the Sikh populace being no exception.

The fascist Hindutva regime has the precedence of fraying all its minorities, the Sikh populace being no exception.

In order to attain a separate province for the entire Punjabi population-to and prevent ethnically fragmented, Akali Dal launched a Punjabi Suba Movement in 1945 but instead was met by the Punjab Reorganization Act of November 1966 that not only divided Punjab into two provinces of Punjab and Haryana but also deprived both the provinces of their separate capital even. Chandigarh was designated their joint capital and made a Union Territory, which meant now the provinces were ruled directly by the center. The political landscape fails to change to date to the chagrin of the Sikh community in India.

To further the misery of the bread and basket states of India, their economic status was dreaded further by depriving them of their legitimate share in water. A canal system was put in place over the rivers of Ravi, Beas, and Sutlej that left Punjab with only 23% of water for irrigation, receding the economic woes of the state where the majority of the populace depends on agriculture and irrigation for their livelihood. The fact that the issue would not be revisited added fuel to the fire paving the way for the Anandpur Sahib Resolution of 1973 that called upon India to revisit such moves.

Seeing India was busy enough to design itself as a Hindu-only state, Akali Dal and Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale joined hands in 1982 to launch the Dharam Yudh Morcha in order to implement the resolution. Thousands joined deeming it as the only solution to their long overseen miseries. Such overtures paved the way for the violent Khalistan Movement that killed thousands as India following on its own antecedents used overly excessive force and military under the guise of Operation Blue Star killed Bhindranwale and later India’s own Prime Minister Indira Gandhi on October 31, 1984. Gandhi has been killed by her own two Sikh security bodyguards. The movement had dwindled in strength due to massive police crackdown, internal fragmentation among the Sikh populace and organizations, and removal of its top brass but neither policy of state repression nor Khalistan spirit ever died.

Subsequent to the treatment of the BJP government to the yearlong Punjab protests by poor farmers against controversial agricultural laws, whereby Narendra Modi called them parasites rather than paving ways to address states’ misgivings towards them. Though the government had to succumb to the farmers’ demands a year later (In November 2021), the event served to be another blow away for the already side-lined Sikh community suffering from Hindutva fascism and systemic repression in the state that now appeared to be the one for Hinduism and Hindu ideologue alone.

Singh has been arrested, Deep Sidhu killed-if not murdered-in a road accident but the nationalism that the community has gained continues to thrive. It is not meant to say that it is certain that India is going to experience Khalistan Movement 2.0 but it should be very clear that way to heal the Khalistan spirit is not by indulging in scapegoating any other country but by looking deep into and making amends to BJP’s fascist state policies working to make India a Hindu-only state to the agony of its all other minorities.

Syria Reinstated into Arab League: Defying US Pressure

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In a significant geopolitical move, the Arab League, an intergovernmental organization comprising 22 Arab states, has voted to welcome Syria back into its fold after a hiatus of 12 years. The decision was made during a closed-door meeting of Arab foreign ministers held in Cairo, despite objections from the United States and some of its allies.

This bold move by the Arab League indicates a shift in regional dynamics and a growing desire among Arab nations to take charge of resolving the long-standing Syrian crisis.

The Arab League’s decision to reinstate Syria comes as no surprise to observers closely following recent developments in the Middle East. Permanent representatives at the Arab League Council had already expressed support for Syria’s return during a meeting held on Saturday. Arab foreign ministers will now have the final say in two extraordinary sessions held in Cairo on Sunday. Jordanian Foreign Minister Ayman Safadi expressed confidence that enough votes would be secured among Arab League members to facilitate Syria’s readmission.

The Arab world’s proactive stance in resolving the Syrian crisis demonstrates a growing discontent with the lack of effective international efforts thus far. With Syria being one of the Arab League’s founding members, the suspension of its membership in 2011 due to alleged government crackdowns on opposition protests was seen by many as a violation of the organization’s own charter. As Syrian government forces, supported by Russia and Iran, have successfully reclaimed control of most regions from terrorist groups, calls for Syria’s reinstatement have grown louder in recent months.

Syria’s reinstatement into the Arab League carries several significant consequences for the region and beyond. Firstly, it symbolically signifies a diplomatic victory for the Syrian government and a step towards its reintegration into the international community. This move could bolster President Bashar al-Assad’s regime, legitimizing its authority and providing a platform for constructive dialogue with neighboring Arab states.

Moreover, Syria’s return to the Arab League showcases a growing divergence between Arab states and the United States, which has traditionally wielded significant influence in the region. By defying the US and its allies, the Arab League is asserting its independence and pursuing its own regional agenda. This development underscores a shift in the balance of power and influence within the Middle East.

In terms of the Syrian crisis, reinstatement into the Arab League offers the potential for increased regional cooperation in finding a lasting political solution. Arab nations, having firsthand experience and understanding of the complexities involved, are better positioned to mediate and facilitate dialogue among various stakeholders.

The Arab League can now take an active role in shaping Syria’s future, focusing on post-conflict reconstruction, refugee resettlement, and the re-establishment of stability in the war-torn nation.

The Arab League’s decision to welcome Syria back into its fold after 12 years of suspension demonstrates a changing landscape in Middle Eastern geopolitics. By overriding objections from the United States and some of its allies, Arab nations are asserting their independence and reasserting their role in resolving regional conflicts. The reinstatement of Syria carries far-reaching consequences, offering hope for a renewed focus on finding a political solution to the protracted Syrian crisis. As the complexities of the conflict persist, it is imperative for the international community to support the Arab League’s efforts and foster meaningful dialogue to bring lasting peace and stability to Syria.

China-Central Asia Cooperation – Shaping Global Connectivity

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In a rapidly globalizing world, connectivity is an essential cornerstone of international relations, economic development, and security. China’s strategic cooperation with Central Asia concerning connectivity focuses on the initiatives, benefits, and challenges of such collaboration. China’s economic and diplomatic engagement in Central Asia has been expanding over the past few decades, and this has been particularly visible in the sphere of connectivity. Infrastructure development, digital connectivity, and the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) are at the center of this cooperation, reshaping the regional landscape.

The BRI aims to create a network of infrastructure, including railways, highways, pipelines, and telecommunications, connecting China with more than 60 countries across Asia, Europe, and Africa. Central Asian countries – Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan – are critical to this project. The region’s strategic geographical location makes it a natural bridge between Asia and Europe, making it central to China’s plans.

At the core of China’s cooperation with Central Asia is an immense infrastructure development project. Spanning across road, rail, and port facilities, this vast infrastructure network forms a new Silk Road, connecting China with Europe via Central Asia. This modern Silk Road is primarily driven by China’s BRI, an ambitious plan launched in 2013. The BRI aims to create a network of infrastructure, including railways, highways, pipelines, and telecommunications, connecting China with more than 60 countries across Asia, Europe, and Africa. Central Asian countries – Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan – are critical to this project. The region’s strategic geographical location makes it a natural bridge between Asia and Europe, making it central to China’s plans.

Beyond physical infrastructure, China’s cooperation with Central Asia extends to the realm of digital connectivity. The Digital Silk Road (DSR), a subset of the BRI, aims to build fiber-optic cables, international trunk passageways, mobile structures, and e-commerce links across the region. The DSR can have transformative effects on Central Asian economies. It holds the potential to boost technological capacities, foster new industries, and enhance regional digital integration. This digital leap can significantly contribute to economic diversification and growth in these countries.

China’s cooperation with Central Asia extends to the realm of digital connectivity. The Digital Silk Road (DSR), a subset of the BRI, aims to build fiber-optic cables, international trunk passageways, mobile structures, and e-commerce links across the region. The DSR can have transformative effects on Central Asian economies.

China’s connectivity initiatives have multiple benefits for both China and Central Asia. For China, it provides access to crucial resources and new markets, enhances its geopolitical influence, and diversifies trade routes. On the other hand, Central Asia reaps the benefits of economic development and diversification. The improved infrastructure reduces transportation costs, enhances trade, and promotes regional integration. The DSR, with its focus on ICT development, can stimulate technological advancements and create new opportunities for digital entrepreneurship. Moreover, the cooperation brings in much-needed foreign investment and can stimulate job creation, contributing to socio-economic development in Central Asia.

Despite the potential benefits, China’s connectivity cooperation with Central Asia also faces several challenges. Firstly, these projects often require significant financial outlays, which lead to growing concerns about the debt sustainability of Central Asian countries. Secondly, the risk of environmental degradation due to large-scale infrastructure projects is another concern. Sustainable development should be a priority to ensure that the economic growth generated by these initiatives does not come at the expense of environmental health. Finally, geopolitical considerations and local backlash due to fears of neo-colonialism can hamper cooperation. Balancing the interests of all parties involved is crucial to ensure the long-term success of these initiatives.

Beyond infrastructure and digital connectivity, the China-Central Asia cooperation also covers fields like energy, finance, and cultural exchanges. Central Asia, being rich in oil and natural gas reserves, plays a significant role in China’s energy security. China, in turn, offers financial resources and technology to tap into these reserves. Financial cooperation also includes currency swap agreements and collaborations in banking and financial services. Cultural exchanges form another dimension of this cooperation. These exchanges aim to enhance mutual understanding, fostering a peaceful and cooperative international environment.

Central Asia, being rich in oil and natural gas reserves, plays a significant role in China’s energy security. China, in turn, offers financial resources and technology to tap into these reserves.

A balanced approach is essential for the success of China’s cooperation with Central Asia. While pursuing economic growth, the nations should also prioritize social goals, like poverty reduction, job creation, and reducing socio-economic inequalities. Sustainability and inclusivity should be at the core of the connectivity projects. They should not only contribute to economic prosperity but also bring about inclusive growth that benefits all sections of society. They should also be environmentally sustainable, preserving biodiversity and mitigating the impact of climate change.

China’s cooperation with Central Asia also extends to the sphere of security. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), an intergovernmental organization that includes China, Russia, and the countries of Central Asia, has been an important platform for security dialogue and cooperation. Issues like counter-terrorism, border security, and regional stability are often discussed within the framework of the SCO. China’s focus on security cooperation is driven by its desire to ensure the safety of its investments and infrastructure projects in Central Asia. For Central Asian countries, this cooperation provides support in maintaining internal security and dealing with regional threats.

Issues like counter-terrorism, border security, and regional stability are often discussed within the framework of the SCO. China’s focus on security cooperation is driven by its desire to ensure the safety of its investments and infrastructure projects in Central Asia.

The future of China’s connectivity cooperation with Central Asia will depend on the careful navigation of the different challenges. Transparency in project planning and execution, equitable distribution of benefits, respect for environmental standards, and sensitivity to local and national interests are essential. Moreover, while China’s leadership is crucial, the role of Central Asian countries is equally important. They need to leverage this cooperation to pursue their developmental goals, strengthen their capacities, and negotiate agreements that serve their interests. In the face of a rapidly changing global landscape, the China-Central Asia connectivity cooperation can serve as a model of regional integration. It holds lessons for other regions on leveraging geographical advantages, combining resources, and integrating markets for mutual benefit. However, its success will ultimately depend on the commitment of all parties involved to shared goals and principles, such as mutual respect, equality, and sustainable development.

Enhancing Connectivity: China-Central Asian States Summit

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China is hosting the leaders of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan in a summit in the northern Chinese city of Xi’an. Beijing has described the gathering as “milestone”-worthy. China has made significant inroads into the Central Asia region during the Russia-Ukraine crisis. Russia has awarded the Chinese with many opportunities in efforts to strengthen bilateral relations within the context of pushing forward multipolar solidarity. China has been concentrating on the economic aspect of cooperation with Central Asia for decades, but in recent years, particularly since the previous year, the emphasis has noticeably risen on C5 nations. Beijing’s interests now extend to the realm of politics, and the summit in Xi’an formally marks the beginning of a new phase of bilateral cooperation.

China-Central Asia Summit has stirred up global ripples as the international participants are fully aware of how “gathering” can have snowball effects on rapidly shifting geopolitical, geo-economic, and geostrategic landscapes. The geopolitical environment benefits China in the long run. Given that it is likely that Russia will continue its war in Ukraine for the foreseeable future, Beijing will have a growing opportunity to influence politics and the economy throughout central Eurasia. This is particularly true given that other players in the region lack China’s geographic reach and economic potential to compete with it.

China-Central Asia Summit has stirred up global ripples as the international participants are fully aware of how “gathering” can have snowball effects on rapidly shifting geopolitical, geo-economic, and geostrategic landscapes.

The significance of China’s proposed Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and its benefits to Central Asian republics have drawn attention from around the world to the event. The BRI celebrates its tenth anniversary this year. In the past ten years, Central Asia has developed into a showcase of how the BRI was negotiated and put into practice in the region. This has resulted in a wide range of win-win outcomes, including a long list of infrastructure connectivity projects that have helped the landlocked region improve its connections with the outside world.

China-Central Asia Summit is a meeting between China and five Central Asian countries: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. The summit is part of China’s broader aim to strengthen economic and political partnerships with like-minded countries and counter what it sees as a US-dominated world order that is trying to contain and suppress China. Chinese President Xi Jinping called on China and Central Asia to “fully unleash” their potential in trade, economic, and infrastructure cooperation. The summit has been described as a milestone in Chinese diplomacy and a “new model” in international relations. In an address to the leaders of the strategically significant region, Xi Jinping urged China and Central Asia to “fully unleash” their potential for traditional trade cooperation on the economic front, infrastructure cooperation, industrial capacity, energy, and transport. It also stressed the need to develop “new growth drivers such as finance, agriculture, poverty reduction, low carbon, health, and digital innovation. China is hosting the leaders of Central Asian states in a summit in the northern Chinese city of Xi’an. Beijing has described the gathering as “milestone”-worthy.

Chinese President Xi Jinping called on China and Central Asia to “fully unleash” their potential in trade, economic, and infrastructure cooperation. The summit has been described as a milestone in Chinese diplomacy and a “new model” in international relations.

Beijing claims that commerce with Central Asia increased by 22% year-over-year in the first quarter of 2023, reaching $70 billion. The Belt and Road Initiative, a trillion-dollar Chinese global infrastructure initiative, likewise heavily relies on this region. Beijing is eager to resume collaboration and fill the void left in former Soviet states by Russia’s war in Ukraine, making the program a defining geopolitical endeavor for Xi. China supports Central Asian nations’ engagement in specific Belt and Road Initiative cooperative plans, which cover technologies for sustainable development, entrepreneurship and innovation, and spatial information technology. the need to increase security cooperation against the separatism, terrorism, and extremism that Beijing referred to as the “three evils” in the area. The six nations must adamantly reject attempts to foment “color revolutions,” which refers to turmoil in former Soviet states that Moscow and others claim is sponsored by the West. The six nations should also reject any external meddling in regional nations’ internal affairs.

The summit sends a message to forces opposed to globalization that protectionism and decoupling are not the way of the future. Instead, the development of a shared future is essential for the world. The summit reveals the areas of cooperation that are still untapped and undiscovered for cultivating joint ventures on an inclusive economy through the Chinese prism, given the unfavorable businesses amidst external shocks, impacts of climate change, record high inflation, unilateralism, and challenges in the post-covid era. China’s economic and trade cooperation with the five Central Asian countries (C5) has produced noticeable results since the establishment of diplomatic ties for 30 years. Green financing, green energy, and the green economy need urgent attention, even though China and the C5 are cooperating cooperatively in these sectors. The region of Central Asia is already quite susceptible to natural disasters as a result of climate change and carbon-based energy sources.

The summits reveal the areas of cooperation that are still untapped and undiscovered for cultivating joint ventures on an inclusive economy through the Chinese prism. China’s economic and trade cooperation with the five Central Asian countries (C5) has produced noticeable results since the establishment of diplomatic ties for 30 years.

The creation of a program called “Green Silk Road” that uses green development technology, creative solutions, and cutting-edge technologies to achieve environmental sustainability and efficiency will therefore be one of the key facets of the collaboration, turning the area into a highland of global low-carbon growth. Additionally, Central Asia lacks a high-tech economic structure to compete globally. According to the Asian Development Bank, by 2030, $33 billion will need to be invested year to address Central Asia’s infrastructure deficit. The conference marks the beginning of a new era of macro and micro project launches that would enhance connectivity between China and Europe via the Central Asian area. Central Asia has become a “strategic pivot” from an economic, political, social, cultural, and security standpoint due to its geographic location. The summit is anticipated to give the supercontinent of “Eurasia” as well as the countries of Central Asia a fresh drive for growth.

Therefore, Beijing’s ability to properly manage its involvement in the region will be put to the test in order to avoid upsetting the five Central Asian governments and causing them to look for alternatives by forging deeper connections with Russia, the EU, and others.

Renewal of Russia-Georgia Diplomatic Ties

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In recent years, Russia and Georgia have been at the forefront of geopolitical discourse, often for contentious reasons. However, a fresh wave of optimism sweeps across the two nations as they embark on a significant quest towards improved bilateral relations.

Understanding the dynamics of Russia and Georgia’s diplomatic relations requires a glimpse into their historical background. The Russo-Georgian War in 2008 marked a significant blow to the two countries relations, pushing them to the edge of international discord. The war, which lasted a mere five days, left a lasting imprint, creating widespread geopolitical tension and economic hardships, and tearing the social fabric of the region. The diplomatic freeze between the two countries lasted for over a decade. However, today’s narrative is being rewritten as the countries inch towards peace, cooperation, and shared prosperity.

The diplomatic freeze between the two countries lasted for over a decade. However, today’s narrative is being rewritten as the countries inch towards peace, cooperation, and shared prosperity.

The first signs of thawing relations emerged when Russia and Georgia started to have diplomatic conversations. This diplomatic engagement symbolized a significant shift in Russia’s foreign policy towards its southern neighbor, showing the intent to foster better relations. A cornerstone of the bilateral discussions has been the exploration of non-aggression pacts. Both nations are mutually aware that the most pressing step towards improved bilateral relations is solidifying peace and ensuring future territorial disputes do not escalate into armed conflicts. Meanwhile, Georgia has been active in reaching out to Russia. Recognizing the importance of dialogue, Georgian diplomats have reiterated the need to build a framework for dialogue and peace-building initiatives that would allow both nations to navigate their complex history and disagreements constructively.

Another crucial aspect of Russia and Georgia’s rapprochement lies in their economic interdependency. Russia has long been one of Georgia’s key trading partners, and the fallout of the 2008 war severely impacted this relationship. There is a palpable desire to reinstate the economic ties, especially in industries like tourism and agriculture, where both nations can reap mutual benefits. Georgia’s rich wine culture and scenic landscapes have always been a magnet for Russian tourists, making tourism a lucrative sector for bilateral cooperation. Simultaneously, Georgia is keen on restoring its agricultural exports to Russia, especially for products like wine and mineral water. The resumption of these exports is not only expected to boost Georgia’s economy but also deepen the interdependence between the two nations, making a compelling case for peace and cooperation.

Russia has long been one of Georgia’s key trading partners, and the fallout of the 2008 war severely impacted this relationship. There is a palpable desire to reinstate the economic ties, especially in industries like tourism and agriculture, where both nations can reap mutual benefits.

Diplomatic relations are not solely a realm of politicians and diplomats. In the case of Russia and Georgia, people-to-people diplomacy has played a pivotal role in pushing the countries toward a better understanding. Cultural exchange programs, academic collaborations, and cross-border tourism have been fundamental in creating an atmosphere of trust and friendship. These exchanges provide a platform for citizens of both countries to interact and understand each other beyond the political rhetoric. Moreover, shared history, cultural similarities, and language offer a unique bridge for fostering people-to-people diplomacy and creating a foundation for strong bilateral relations.

Despite the positive steps toward reconciliation, the path to normalized Russia-Georgia relations is not without challenges. Many issues, including the status of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, remain contentious. In navigating these issues, both nations will have to exhibit political maturity and diplomatic sagacity. It is crucial that their leaders frame these discussions within the broader context of peace, stability, and mutual prosperity. The current scenario indicates that Russia and Georgia are indeed on a path toward better bilateral relations. The journey may be fraught with difficulties and disagreements, but the sincere intent from both sides to rebuild the bond is a positive sign.

Another key consideration is the broader global geopolitical landscape. Russia’s relations with the West and Georgia’s aspirations towards the European Union and NATO will inevitably influence their bilateral ties. Transparent dialogue about these issues will be necessary to prevent misunderstandings.

In order to develop a robust and sustainable relationship, it is necessary for Russia and Georgia to focus on shared interests and mutual benefits. The approach should be based on equal respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity. Both nations need to prioritize diplomatic solutions over military ones, promoting trust-building measures and open channels of communication.

Taking advantage of digital communication tools, youth can foster friendships across borders, building a grassroots movement for peace. These efforts can be complemented by increased academic exchanges and joint cultural events that celebrate the shared heritage and uniqueness of each nation.

With persistent efforts and genuine intent, Russia and Georgia’s journey towards improved bilateral relations could provide a blueprint for peace and cooperation in geopolitically sensitive regions. A positive evolution in Russia-Georgia relations will have far-reaching implications not just for the two countries, but for regional stability and global geopolitics.

The U.S. – China Strategic Rivalry and Pakistan’s Balancing Act

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Pakistan will have to remain cautious as the ramifications of the worsening US-China ties start to loom over South Asia. Pakistan will likely be in a dangerous strategic position due to the hostile U.S.-China ties and the expanding strategic relationship between the United States and India. The future of ties between the United States and Pakistan will increasingly rely on how the country handles its relations with China and India. Comparing a Biden government to a Trump administration, Washington is likelier to treat Beijing more leniently. Yet, a significant improvement in ties with New Delhi appears doubtful, and rivalry with China is expected to continue for years. Islamabad will need to take a balanced stance to preserve strategic parity with China and the United States. Islamabad has an interest in fostering good relations with both nations.

Although if Pakistan would prefer not to support one side in the U.S.-China conflict, the strategic alliance between the two countries may compel it to do so. Thus, Pakistan must keep highlighting the effects of a strategic cooperation between the United States and India that is not conditioned on maintaining regional peace, as well as how this partnership may put Pakistan in an awkward and unwelcome position.

If Pakistan would prefer not to support one side in the U.S.-China conflict, the strategic alliance between the two countries may compel it to do so.

India has decided; it will be interesting to watch how far it is willing to take this partnership. Since 2016, India’s expanding strategic partnership with the U.S., as evidenced by agreements like the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA), Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement (COMCASA), and the most recent Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement (BECA), has shown India’s preference for the U.S. In order to confront the growing impact of a shared and imminent military threat from China, these accords opened the doors for long-term strategic and military collaboration between the two governments. Likewise, the necessity to strengthen India’s capabilities as a Significant Military Partner in South Asia to balance China is emphasized in the U.S. Strategy Framework for the Indo-Pacific, declassified in the Trump administration’s closing days. But, because it relies on its northern neighbor for commerce, India still needs help to distance itself from China. China continues to be India’s top trading partner, accounting for 16% of imports, despite the unsolved Ladakh dispute and the growth of social media efforts to boycott Chinese goods. The Indian economy would still suffer from a boycott of Chinese goods in favor of domestic alternatives; thus, severing all ties with China does not seem practical.

The primary objectives of Pakistan’s foreign policy should be to present this crucially developing situation in South Asia to the main international powers and to explain how it may develop in the future.

Although Washington politicians are anxious to strengthen relations with India in order to confront China, Pakistan may be forced to bear the negative effects of the U.S.-India military alliance. To compete with the U.S. military might, China is upgrading its military. This discourages India from participating in a protracted military battle with China. As previously said, New Delhi is likewise in no position to sever ties with China; thus, it could try to prevent a military conflict. The Indian military arsenal, in contrast, might be used against Pakistan, and Islamabad is afraid that New Delhi may be more likely to use its new weapons against Pakistani targets than Chinese ones. Suppose Pakistan modernizes and increases its arsenal in reaction to India. In that case, this is likely to lead to regional instability, a security crisis, and the start of an arms race that might have disastrous consequences.

The primary objectives of Pakistan’s foreign policy should be to present this crucially developing situation in South Asia to the main international powers and to explain how it may develop in the future. With the United States continued military assistance to India, unintentional escalation and accidental wars can occur. Pakistan is aware that there is minimal chance of a reversal in the near future due to the strategic alliance between the United States and India. Yet, the United States wants to continue acting as a regional stabilizer, as it has in the past. In that case, it will need to reexamine a partnership with India as its principal South Asian partner.

Pakistan must purchase cutting-edge military equipment in order to preserve strategic stability with India. Due to the increased chances of developing long-term defense strategies in a hybrid conflict, Pakistan may expand defense collaboration with China, notably in cyber and space infrastructure.

Yet, Pakistan must depend on more than the United States to guarantee its security, particularly in light of the expanding strategic alliance between the United States and India. Because of this, Pakistan must keep its connections to China strong. Also, Pakistan must purchase cutting-edge military equipment in order to preserve strategic stability with India. Due to the increased chances of developing long-term defense strategies in a hybrid conflict, Pakistan may expand defense collaboration with China, notably in cyber and space infrastructure. Autonomous systems, artificial intelligence, air defense systems, and quantum computing might all be used in defense collaboration with China to narrow the strategic imbalance gap.

Along with helping Pakistan’s military modernize, China has restored Pakistan’s prominence by preparing to connect it to the rest of the globe through the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Pakistan, a developing nation with many socioeconomic issues, must take advantage of the growth opportunities presented by CPEC. CPEC is crucial for the region as a whole as well as Pakistan’s economy. Outright U.S. backing for India in the energy, technological, and military spheres is likely to push Pakistan to strengthen its economic connections with China to boost its own economic might to compete with India. This might affect ties between Pakistan and the United States by pitting the two nations against each other and closing doors to possible areas of economic collaboration.

China has restored Pakistan’s prominence by preparing to connect it to the rest of the globe through the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Pakistan, a developing nation with many socioeconomic issues, must take advantage of the growth opportunities presented by CPEC. CPEC is crucial for the region as a whole as well as Pakistan’s economy.

While collaboration with China would advance Pakistan’s economic and military standing, good ties with the United States as an enduring friend should not be overshadowed. Both nations must recognize each other’s national security issues and take a more impartial stance in order to improve collaboration between the United States and Pakistan. For example, Pakistan shouldn’t support either China or the United States’ stance on problems like Hong Kong or the South China Sea. Similarly, the United States shouldn’t support either India or Pakistan in bilateral security disputes as it seemed to do during the Pulwama/Balakot crisis.

The Trump administration has reservations about the CPEC element of China-Pakistan ties, particularly because it saw strategic flaws in the debt trap and the infrastructure development program. By designating a non-military individual as the project’s leadership, Pakistan may allay such concerns in Washington. Regarding CPEC, the Biden administration should be careful to avoid escalating tensions with China and cease giving Pakistan the absurd “us” or “them” choice. The Pakistani administration must assuage Washington’s concerns while advancing bilateral cooperation in the fields of education, immigration, and health.

The United States’ involvement in South Asia during the last two decades has significantly shaped the security dynamics of the area. Cooperation between the United States and Pakistan is essential because both countries need a workable solution to end years of unrest in the area. Pakistan has been appointed as an important actor in the Afghan peace process, demonstrating that despite the highs and lows of bilateral ties between the United States and Pakistan, Islamabad would always have a special place in Washington’s security calculations. Considering that Pakistan’s changing ties with the U.S. have improved as a consequence of its involvement in the Afghan peace process, it is now time for the U.S. to pay attention to possible regional instability caused by its military backing for India.

The two nations don’t have to move towards disengagement in the modern multipolar world, where China and India’s positions progressively influence Pakistan and the United States’ relationship. Disengagement has the danger of undermining American popularity in Pakistan, luring that country unwittingly closer to China, and eventually jeopardizing U.S. interests in the area, such as those related to Afghanistan or regional stability.

The Power of Seven: G-7 Summit in Japan and Global Decision-Making

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The G7 Summit, an annual gathering of the world’s most advanced economies, plays a crucial role in shaping global policies and addressing pressing challenges. In 2023, Japan is hosting this influential event, bringing together leaders from Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom, and the United States. The summit served as a platform for constructive discussions on a wide range of issues, with a primary focus on promoting economic growth, enhancing international cooperation, addressing climate change, and fostering global resilience.

The G7 leaders are meeting against the backdrop of a global economic recovery marked by the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic. The summit emphasized the need for coordinated efforts to revive economies and ensure long-term stability. Japan, as the host nation, put forth initiatives to strengthen international trade and investment, fostering inclusive growth. The G7 members reaffirmed their commitment to open markets, fair competition, and rules-based trade, aiming to rebuild economies and restore global supply chains disrupted by the pandemic.

Recognizing the urgency of the climate crisis, the G7 Summit in Japan dedicated substantial attention to environmental issues. Leaders deliberated on strategies to achieve a sustainable, low-carbon future. Japan highlighted its commitment to reducing greenhouse gas emissions and accelerating the transition to clean energy.

The summit endorsed ambitious targets to limit global warming and promote biodiversity conservation. Additionally, discussions centered around supporting vulnerable nations in adapting to climate change and promoting sustainable development, particularly in developing countries.

The COVID-19 pandemic remained a significant concern during the G7 Summit in Japan. Leaders stressed the importance of global health security and effective pandemic preparedness. The summit underscored the necessity of equitable vaccine distribution, ensuring access for all nations. Collaborative efforts were discussed to bolster research and development capabilities, enhance vaccine production and distribution, and strengthen health systems to prevent future pandemics. The G7 leaders recognized the interconnectedness of health and socioeconomic well-being, highlighting the need for robust healthcare infrastructure worldwide.

Beyond economic and environmental concerns, the G7 Summit in Japan provided an opportunity for leaders to address geopolitical challenges and promote peace and security. Discussions focused on maintaining a rules-based international order, resolving conflicts, and countering threats to global stability. Key issues included regional tensions, cybersecurity, terrorism, and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. The summit emphasized the importance of diplomatic dialogue, collaboration, and adherence to international law in addressing these challenges.

In the lead-up to the G7 Summit, the United Kingdom and the United States have announced their intentions to impose sanctions on Russia, marking a significant development that sets the tone for discussions at the summit.

The decision to target Russia with sanctions underscores the growing concerns about its actions on the global stage and reflects the determination of these influential nations to address and respond to geopolitical challenges. This article delves into the motivations behind the proposed sanctions, their potential implications, and the broader context within which these actions are taking place.

The decision to impose sanctions on Russia ahead of the G7 Summit stems from various factors. One key factor is Russia’s ongoing aggressive behavior and its ongoing war against Ukraine, including its encroachments on neighboring territories and alleged cyber-attacks on critical infrastructure. The United Kingdom and the United States, along with their G7 counterparts, view these actions as a threat to regional stability and global security.

Another significant concern is the poisoning and subsequent imprisonment of Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny. The UK and US, along with other countries, have strongly condemned this act, considering it a violation of human rights and the rule of law. Imposing sanctions serves as a means to hold Russia accountable for its actions and send a clear message that such behavior will not be tolerated.

The decision to impose sanctions on Russia ahead of the G7 Summit is a strategic move with multiple implications. First and foremost, it signals the unity and resolve among G7 member countries in addressing shared concerns. By acting collectively, the UK and US demonstrate their commitment to upholding democratic values, human rights, and the rule of law.

Moreover, imposing sanctions on Russia serves as a deterrent to potential future aggressive actions. It sends a clear message that there will be consequences for violations of international norms and sovereignty. The hope is that these sanctions will incentivize Russia to reassess its behavior and engage in constructive dialogue on contentious issues.

However, it is essential to acknowledge that sanctions are not without risks. They can strain diplomatic relations and potentially escalate tensions. As such, the UK and US will need to carefully consider the potential fallout and ensure that the measures imposed are proportionate and targeted to maximize effectiveness.

The proposed sanctions on Russia will undoubtedly feature prominently in discussions at the G7 Summit. The leaders of the member countries will explore avenues for collective action and collaboration to address shared concerns. The summit will provide an opportunity to evaluate the effectiveness of existing diplomatic strategies and consider further measures, including additional sanctions, if deemed necessary.

The G7 Summit will cover a wide range of global challenges, including economic recovery, climate change, and health security. The actions taken regarding Russia will be viewed in the broader context of reinforcing global stability, promoting international cooperation, and upholding the principles of the G7.

The decision by the UK and US to impose sanctions on Russia ahead of the G7 Summit underscores their determination to address geopolitical challenges and protect global security. This strategic move demonstrates their commitment to democratic values, human rights, and the rule of law. As discussions unfold at the summit, it will be crucial for G7 member countries to foster collaboration and explore diplomatic solutions to the shared concerns while carefully managing potential risks and maintaining a united front in pursuing a peaceful and stable global order.

The G7 Summit in Japan served as a significant platform for world leaders to collaborate and find common ground on critical global issues. With its focus on economic recovery, climate change, health security, and geopolitical challenges, the summit reinforced the importance of international cooperation and unity in shaping a sustainable and resilient future for all nations.

Linking Nations: The Geopolitical Importance of Iran-Russia Connectivity

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Rasht-Astara railway link is considered to be a crucial linkage corridor, 162 km railway, along the Caspian Sea coast to connects Russian ports on the Baltic Sea with Iranian ports in the Indian Ocean and the Gulf. Which aims to connect Russia, Iran, Azerbaijan, India, and other nations via rail and water. According to Russia, this route can compete with the Suez Canal as a crucial global economic route. Russian President Vladimir Putin and Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi oversaw the signing of a deal to finance and construct an Iranian railway line. This railway line is part of the developing international North-South Transport Corridor. The international North-South Transport Corridor plays a vital role in enhancing connectivity between Iran and Russia. This corridor serves as a strategic trade route, facilitating efficient and cost-effective transportation of goods, while promoting economic cooperation and regional integration. By providing a direct and shorter route, it reduces the transportation time and costs, benefiting businesses and industries in both countries.

The purpose of the network is to increase trade between the involved countries. The route is overland between Russia and Iran; after which it turns into a sea route to India. The corridor is framed as an alternative to the Suez Canal.

Moreover, the corridor strengthens diplomatic ties and fosters cultural exchanges, promoting a broader sense of connectivity and collaboration between Iran and Russia. The Rasht-Astara railway is set to become a part of the unique North-South transport artery. This transport corridor will significantly diversify global traffic flows by providing an alternative route for trade and transportation. This agreement represents a significant and strategic advancement in the cooperation between Tehran and Moscow.

The International North–South Transport Corridor is a rail, road and ship network linking Russia to India. The purpose of the network is to increase trade between the involved countries. The route is overland between Russia and Iran; after which it turns into a sea route to India. The corridor is framed as an alternative to the Suez Canal. Shipments along the corridor between Russia and India by way of Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Iran.

Russia and Iran have been compelled to reinforce their political and economic relationships due to Western economic sanctions imposed on both countries. Both nations consider these sanctions to be unwarranted. The development of their bilateral connections, which are founded on the ideals of good neighborliness, respect for one another, and consideration of one another’s interests, is a top priority for both Russia and Iran. The accomplishment of this big project’s cooperation demonstrates the high standards and constructive, reciprocally beneficial character of Russian-Iranian ties.

The international North-South Transport Corridor holds immense geopolitical and geo-economic significance for connectivity between Iran and Russia. The corridor holds geopolitical significance as serves as a vital link connecting the Persian Gulf in the south to the Caspian Sea in the north, bypassing landlocked regions.

The international North-South Transport Corridor holds immense geopolitical and geo-economic significance for connectivity between Iran and Russia. The corridor holds geopolitical significance as serves as a vital link connecting the Persian Gulf in the south to the Caspian Sea in the north, bypassing landlocked regions. This provides an alternative route that reduces dependence on traditional maritime routes and diversifies transportation options, enhancing the geopolitical position of both Iran and Russia.

It provides enhanced regional integration, as the corridor promotes regional integration by connecting multiple countries, including Iran, Russia, Azerbaijan, and India. This fosters economic cooperation, cultural exchanges, and diplomatic relations among these nations, contributing to a more interconnected and collaborative region.

The corridor has massive trade and economic benefits because the corridor facilitates the transportation of goods, including energy resources, agricultural products, and manufactured goods, between Iran and Russia. This enhances bilateral trade and creates new economic opportunities for both countries, as well as for other nations involved in the corridor. The improved connectivity provided by the corridor enhances economic integration and development along its route. It stimulates infrastructure development, trade facilitation, and investment opportunities, leading to economic growth and prosperity in the regions through which it passes.

The corridor enables energy cooperation and transportation of energy resources, such as oil and gas, between Iran and Russia. This strengthens energy cooperation, allowing for energy diversification and energy security for both countries, while also benefiting other nations along the corridor. The corridor strengthens international relations and diplomatic ties between Iran and Russia, as well as with other participating countries. It provides a platform for dialogue and collaboration, fostering mutual understanding and cooperation on various regional and international issues of common interest.

The corridor provides a transit route for Central Asian countries, as The corridor offers a passage for landlocked Central Asian countries, providing them with an efficient and cost-effective transportation link to access international markets via Iran and Russia. This contributes to their economic development and trade expansion.

Hence, the international North-South Transport Corridor serves as a key enabler of connectivity, trade, and regional integration between Iran and Russia, bringing geopolitical and geo-economic advantages to both nations and the broader region.

Pakistan has expressed certain reservations regarding the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC), citing concerns and considerations that impact its participation in the project. These reservations stem from a variety of factors, including geopolitical, economic, and strategic considerations.

Pakistan has security concerns as Pakistan has voiced it’s concerns about the security of goods and transportation infrastructure along the INSTC route. Given the prevailing security challenges in certain regions through which the corridor passes, Pakistan emphasizes the need for robust security measures to ensure the safe passage of goods and to protect investments.

With the consideration of the tumultuous regional dynamics, Pakistan carefully evaluates the potential impact of the INSTC on its relations with neighboring countries and regional dynamics. Balancing geopolitical considerations, Pakistan seeks to ensure that its participation in the corridor does not adversely affect its relationships or create any imbalances in regional power dynamics. Pakistan scrutinizes the economic viability of its involvement in the INSTC. The country assesses the potential trade benefits and economic gains, weighing them against the costs, logistical challenges, and competing transportation routes to determine the overall viability and benefits of active participation.

Concerns about connectivity alternatives, Pakistan considers its existing and planned transportation connectivity projects, such as the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), as potential alternatives or complementary initiatives to the INSTC. It examines the overlap or potential synergies between different connectivity projects and evaluates their relative advantages.

Pakistan assesses the strategic alignment and compatibility of the INSTC with its broader foreign policy objectives and national interests. This evaluation includes analyzing potential implications for its relationships with regional and global partners, as well as the alignment of the corridor with Pakistan’s broader economic and development plans.

Pakistan’s reservations about the INSTC do not necessarily mean a complete rejection of the initiative. Instead, they reflect a cautious approach that seeks to balance national interests, security considerations, and economic viability. Pakistan continues to engage in discussions and negotiations with relevant stakeholders to address its concerns and explore potential avenues for collaboration within the framework of the INSTC.