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The Impact of Africa’s Economic Growth on Politics and Security in Partnership with the United States

By
Corinna Perini
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0

Africa’s economic landscape has been experiencing remarkable growth, with its business ties steadily strengthening with the United States. The United States recognizes the immense potential of Africa and aims to foster trade and investment partnerships to leverage this growth. Through initiatives such as the U.S.-Africa Business Forum, the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), and the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA), both African nations and the United States are actively engaging in sectors such as agriculture, industry, technology, health, tourism, and financial services.

Africa’s economic potential and its growth in trade and investment have outperformed global averages, making it an attractive market for the United States. Recognizing this, efforts have been made to accelerate U.S. trade and investment in Africa. The U.S.-Africa Leaders’ Summit and subsequent U.S.-Africa Business Forum have played crucial roles in enhancing trade and investment partnerships between the United States and Africa. These events have focused on strengthening relationships, promoting innovation, and driving growth in key sectors. Moreover, they have facilitated the announcement of new deals and partnerships, boosting trade and investment between the two regions.

The African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) has been instrumental in promoting trade and economic cooperation between the United States and Africa. AGOA offers eligible African countries duty-free access to the U.S. market for various products, stimulating export growth and job creation in Africa. It has served as a catalyst for increased trade between the United States and Africa and has contributed significantly to Africa’s business growth. AGOA’s implementation has witnessed commitments of over $15 billion, further enhancing commercial ties between the United States and African nations.

U.S. businesses have recognized the potential and opportunities present in African markets. The United States has prioritized partnerships with African nations in sectors such as agriculture, industry, technology, health, tourism, and financial services. Small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) play a significant role in this growth, and American companies are increasingly interested in expanding into African markets.

The AfCFTA, the world’s largest free trade area, presents new avenues for trade and investment, creating a favorable environment for U.S. businesses.

The United States government, along with various organizations, has launched supportive initiatives and partnerships to foster trade and investment in Africa. The Prosper Africa initiative aims to connect U.S. and African businesses, helping them identify opportunities, access financing, and facilitate deals. The initiative has facilitated commitments of over $15 billion to strengthen commercial ties between the United States and Africa. Additionally, partnerships with agencies like the Millennium Challenge Corporation and the Development Finance Corporation offer advantages such as grants and financing to promote economic development.

The steady growth of Africa’s business sector has contributed to economic development and political stability in the region. Economic progress often fosters political stability by addressing poverty, inequality, and unemployment, which are underlying causes of social and political unrest. As the United States engages in trade and investment partnerships with Africa, it supports economic growth, which in turn promotes political stability and democratic governance. By strengthening institutions, promoting human rights, and supporting good governance, the United States plays a vital role in enhancing political stability and democratic values in Africa.

Africa’s business growth has significant implications for addressing transnational threats such as terrorism, violent extremism, and organized crime. The United States recognizes that these threats can have far-reaching consequences, including implications for its own national security. By engaging in trade and investment partnerships, the United States can contribute to the economic development and stability needed to counter these threats. Through partnerships with African nations, the United States provides security assistance, focusing on areas such as counterterrorism, maritime security, and cyber security.

Collaboration between the United States and African countries is crucial to developing comprehensive strategies that address the root causes of transnational threats and promote peace and stability in the region.

As Africa’s business ties with the United States strengthen, there is a growing competition for influence in the region. The United States faces competition from other global players, including China, in its efforts to deepen economic engagement with Africa. China’s increasing economic influence in Africa has prompted the United States to prioritize its engagement to maintain its presence and influence in the region. The United States recognizes that failing to engage effectively in Africa could result in diminished influence and open doors for other global competitors. Hence, fostering strong business partnerships with African nations is not only crucial for economic growth but also for maintaining political influence and security cooperation.

Despite the economic growth brought about by Africa’s business expansion, challenges to democracy and governance persist. The COVID-19 pandemic has accelerated the decline of democracy in sub-Saharan Africa, with some governments using the crisis as an opportunity to undermine democratic processes and consolidate power. The United States recognizes the importance of promoting democratic values and good governance in Africa to ensure sustainable political systems that support stability and security. By prioritizing trade and investment partnerships with African nations committed to democratic governance, the United States can contribute to the consolidation of democratic institutions and the promotion of human rights.

The growing business relationship between Africa and the United States has significant implications for politics and security in the region. Economic growth and political stability go hand in hand, with business expansion fostering development and democratic governance. The United States plays a crucial role in addressing transnational threats, promoting stability, and countering competition for influence in Africa. By engaging in comprehensive trade and investment partnerships, the United States can contribute to Africa’s economic development, strengthen political institutions, and address security challenges. It is through these collaborative efforts that both Africa and the United States can achieve mutual prosperity, peace, and security.

Eyes in the Skies: Aerial Surveillance and National Security

By
Dr. Usman
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6

In the 21st century, advancements in surveillance technology, particularly aerial surveillance, have significantly impacted national security and raised concerns regarding privacy and potential threats. Aerial surveillance encompasses the use of drones, satellites, and other surveillance technologies to gather intelligence, monitor activities, and enhance situational awareness. While these technologies offer various benefits, they also pose challenges to state security due to their accessibility, potential for misuse, and the limitations of traditional security measures. Therefore, it’s important to examine the implications of aerial surveillance on national security and explores the complexities surrounding its regulation and control.

Drone technology has experienced rapid advancements, revolutionizing warfare and surveillance capabilities. Drones, particularly small ones, have become increasingly accessible and affordable, leading to their proliferation among both responsible entities and potential threats. These small drones pose a significant threat to national security due to their ease of acquisition, transportation, and minimal detection. While larger drones have diverse functionalities, it is the small drones that hold the greatest potential for impact. They can bypass physical barriers and radar systems, rendering traditional security measures ineffective.

The growing availability of drones raises legitimate security concerns when they fall into the wrong hands. These concerns extend beyond military contexts and encompass broader applications such as law enforcement, disaster response, and even civilian use. Despite their potential benefits, drones can be exploited for illicit purposes, including espionage, terrorist attacks, and privacy infringements. Their ability to conduct aerial surveillance with relative ease and evade detection heightens these concerns.

Controlling drone proliferation poses complex challenges. The widespread availability of core drone technologies and the global market make it difficult to regulate and restrict their use. Attempts to implement effective regulations face obstacles due to the dynamic nature of technology and the need to strike a balance between security and innovation.

Balancing the potential benefits of drone technology with the associated risks requires careful consideration and comprehensive strategies.

Assessing the effectiveness of surveillance technology, including aerial surveillance, is crucial for evaluating its impact on national security. Intelligence officials in the U.S. and the U.K. consider multiple criteria when evaluating surveillance technology, including cost, proportionality, and actual effectiveness. However, evaluating effectiveness presents challenges due to the wide range of surveillance technologies and their specific contexts of use. Studies on the effectiveness of surveillance technologies, including drones, have yielded varying conclusions. While some demonstrate positive outcomes in enhancing security, others raise concerns about their limitations and the need for further research.

The deployment of drones in various contexts highlights the broader issues surrounding power, surveillance, and the subjugation of marginalized groups. Drones, or unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), play a significant role in military operations and governance. They introduce a form of surveillance known as the “drone stare,” which abstracts individuals from their contexts and reduces moral ambiguity. This normalization of subjugation and the dehumanization of targets have significant implications for human rights and social justice.

Understanding the political dimensions of drone deployment is essential for addressing the ethical and societal challenges associated with aerial surveillance.

Privacy concerns have emerged as a key issue in the debate surrounding aerial surveillance. Calls for legislation mandating the need for warrants before drone use have been made. Privacy advocates argue that the expanded use of drones, without proper regulations, could intrude on individual privacy and lead to unwarranted surveillance. However, it is crucial to consider the actual harm caused by surveillance and differentiate between intrusive and non-controversial applications. A comprehensive approach that combines property rights, duration-based surveillance legislation, data retention procedures, transparency, and accountability measures can address privacy concerns effectively while still allowing for necessary and beneficial drone applications.

Aerial surveillance, encompassing drone technology and other surveillance tools, presents both opportunities and challenges for national security. While drones offer various benefits in terms of intelligence gathering, situational awareness, and operational effectiveness, their proliferation raises legitimate concerns regarding privacy, security threats, and the limitations of traditional security measures. Evaluating the effectiveness of surveillance technologies and understanding their broader political implications is crucial for informed decision-making. Striking a balance between security needs and individual rights requires comprehensive strategies that address privacy concerns while allowing for responsible and beneficial use of aerial surveillance technologies.

 

TAPI Pipeline – A Catalyst for Regional Progress

By
Asma Khan Durrani
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3

 

In a significant development, Mullah Abdul Ghani Baradar, the second Deputy Prime Minister of Afghanistan, has given his approval to initiate the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI) gas pipeline project to commence through Afghanistan. This green light for TAPI pipeline project, creates opportunities. Baradar, during a meeting with Muhammetmyrat Amanov, the CEO of the TAPI Pipeline Company Limited (TPCL), and Hoja Ovezov, the Ambassador of Turkmenistan to Afghanistan, expressed Afghanistan’s readiness to begin the TAPI project and its commitment to collaborate in this area. Recognizing the favorable conditions for project implementation, Baradar emphasized the importance of seizing this opportunity.

The Ministry of Mines and Petroleum has confirmed the commencement of construction on the TAPI pipeline, marking a significant milestone. Additionally, a technical team from Turkmenistan has discussed various aspects of the project, including distribution to industries and residents, as well as power generation from the pipeline. The first phase of the project is set to kick off in Herat.

The implementation of the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI) gas pipeline holds immense significance for the entire region. The National Transit Committee has approved the transportation of gas and oil from Turkmenistan to Pakistan, passing through Afghanistan. This ambitious project aims to stimulate economic growth and enhance transit capabilities.

Afghanistan alone stands to benefit from the TAPI pipeline, with an estimated $1 billion in transit fees and royalty. The smooth flow of gas and oil from Central Asia to South Asia will lead to a substantial boost in national revenue. Furthermore, the transportation sector will witness development, creating numerous employment opportunities. Pakistan, Turkmenistan, and Afghanistan continue their collaboration, with special representatives from both sides engaging in meetings to strengthen ties. The TAPI pipeline has long been regarded as a monumentally important project, addressing not only Turkmenistan’s limited customer base but also providing much-needed energy resources to South Asia.

First proposed over 30 years ago, in a 1995 Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between Turkmenistan and Pakistan, the 1,814-kilometer TAPI pipeline is expected to supply approximately 33 billion cubic meters of gas.The pipeline will stretch from the Galkynysh gas field in Turkmenistan to India, passing through Herat and Kandahar in Afghanistan before reaching Pakistan. Turkmengas, the state company of Turkmenistan, is the primary contributor to the project, financing $8.5 billion of the total $10 billion cost and managing the TAPI pipeline.

Reports from Pakistani media indicate that Islamabad has received a strategic commitment for strengthens ties from Turkmenistan for the construction of the TAPI gas pipeline. Turkmenistan’s commitment goes beyond Pakistan’s annual budget, emphasizing the significance of the project for all parties involved. The implementation of the TAPI pipeline will not only provide a reliable source of energy but also contribute to economic growth and regional cooperation. It is projected that the project will create thousands of direct and indirect job opportunities, benefiting local communities along the pipeline route. Furthermore, the TAPI pipeline will enhance energy security by diversifying energy sources for Afghanistan, Pakistan, and India. It will reduce their dependency on traditional energy suppliers and open up new avenues for economic development.

The TAPI pipeline project is committed to upholding environmental standards and ensuring sustainability. Advanced technologies will be employed to minimize the environmental impact, including the implementation of safety measures during construction and operation phases. The project will also contribute to reducing greenhouse gas emissions by providing cleaner natural gas as an alternative to more polluting energy sources.

The resumption of the TAPI pipeline project in Afghanistan is set to enhance regional cooperation, stimulate economic growth, and create promising prospects for the involved nations. With significant financial and technical support from Turkmenistan, the successful implementation of the TAPI pipeline will provide a reliable and sustainable energy infrastructure, boosting energy security and economic development in the region.

TAPI gas pipeline project holds immense strategic significance, not only for the countries directly involved but also for the broader region. One of the primary strategic advantages of the TAPI pipeline is its contribution to enhancing energy security for the participating nations.Afghanistan, Pakistan, and India, being energy-deficient countries, will have access to a reliable and diversified energy source. This reduces their dependence on traditional energy suppliers and mitigates the risks associated with geopolitical uncertainties and supply disruptions.

The successful implementation of the TAPI pipeline promotes regional cooperation and stability. By fostering economic interdependence, the project creates incentives for collaboration and mutual benefit among the participating countries. Through shared interests in energy production, transit, and consumption, stronger diplomatic ties can be forged, leading to increased regional stability and reduced tensions.

The TAPI pipeline project offers an alternative energy route, diversifying the transportation routes and options for Central Asian gas to reach the South Asian market. Currently, most Central Asian gas exports rely on routes passing through Russia or Iran. The TAPI pipeline provides a direct link from Turkmenistan to South Asia, bypassing these traditional routes. This diversification of energy routes reduces the vulnerability of the participating nations to geopolitical influences and enables more efficient energy trade.

The TAPI pipeline project has the potential to stimulate economic growth and development in the participating countries. The construction and operation of the pipeline will generate employment opportunities, both directly and indirectly, in various sectors such as engineering, construction, logistics, and maintenance. The revenue generated from transit fees and royalties will contribute to national budgets, enabling investments in infrastructure, social welfare, and other development projects.

The TAPI pipeline serves as a catalyst for infrastructure connectivity in the region. The pipeline requires the development of associated infrastructure, including storage facilities, compressor stations, and distribution networks. This infrastructure development will not only support the efficient functioning of the pipeline but also create opportunities for the expansion of other economic sectors, such as manufacturing and trade.

The successful implementation of the TAPI pipeline in Afghanistan holds strategic importance for the country’s stability and development. By actively participating in regional energy projects, Afghanistan can strengthen its position as a responsible stakeholder in the region. The revenue generated from transit fees and royalties will contribute to the country’s economic development and provide an incentive for maintaining peace and stability.

The Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI) gas pipeline project carries significant strategic implications for the participating countries and the wider region. By enhancing energy security, promoting regional cooperation, diversifying energy routes, fostering economic growth, and contributing to infrastructure connectivity, the TAPI pipeline project paves the way for a more stable and prosperous future.

Pakistan’s Struggle with Illegal Migration: Addressing Push Factors, Smuggling Networks, and Policy Reforms

By
Ambassador Syed Sajjad Haider
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3

A recent fatal illegal migrant shipwreck off the Greek coastline is reigniting heated debate in local and international media about Pakistan’s inability to crack down on human smugglers, as a substantially large number of people run away from the country on a regular basis.

More than 300 Pakistan nationals are feared to have been drowned. As many as 750 Italy bound migrants from Pakistan, Egypt, Syria and other countries may have been aboard the overcrowded fishing vessel capsized and sank in the Mediterranean Sea after setting off from Libya.

Around 104 survivors have been found alive including 12 Pakistani nationals. In the wake of this human tragedy, Pakistan observed a day of mourning on 20 June and the Interior Ministry of Pakistan said special legislation would be passed to prosecute those involved in human smuggling as the Federal Investigation  Agency (FIA ) started crack down on traffickers across the country. The suspected smugglers will face criminal proceedings against them.

Statistics made public by the Bureau of Emigration and Overseas Employment reveal that more than 800,000 Pakistanis went abroad to seek better economic prospects last year, the biggest flow of workers in the skilled and unskilled categories in the past five years. The actual figure is higher as it does not include illegal migration, family resettlement, and residency visas. Some desperate people despite the high risks turn to illegal smugglers to send them to the Middle East, Europe, Australia, and other destinations.

About 40,000 Pakistani nationals leave the country through unofficial channels every year. Up to 95% of Pakistani migrants who reached European countries relied on illegal means.

According to unconfirmed reports over 40,000 were deported back to Pakistan last year from Gulf countries and Europe but that has not stopped the smugglers, who advertise widely on media and personal contacts. The smugglers can be found on social media offering to transport migrants overland from Pakistan to Turkey on payment of Rs 200,000 and 400,000 each. According to some unconfirmed estimates around 20,000 people have died or gone missing while trying to cross the Mediterranean since 2014.
Push and Pull factor:

Punjab’s Gujranwala Division borders and neighboring Gujrat has been identified as the major hotspot of outward illegal human smuggling including districts of Jhelum, Sialkot, and Mandi Bahauddin. The push factors for illegal migration to Europe and elsewhere are not confined to poverty and lack of education alone. There are multiple factors. Many young Pakistanis are influenced to take the illegal route due to the cultural pressure to be successful in life and improve their family’s fortunes. In the1960s, Pakistan’s second largest hydroelectric dam Mangla in the Jhelum district started construction displacing over 100,000 people, most of whom became a diaspora community later in the UK. The British government needed more workers at that time and decided to give them permits so they could go there to work.

The initial wave of immigration in the 1960s was followed by a bandwagon of immigrants especially from the province of Punjab. The catchment area began to develop as immigration until the 1980s-90s was easy. The pull factor for immigrants increased when settled immigrants processed legal immigration for their relatives in the host countries. This changed after the 9/11 incidents. The scrutiny and procedures became stringent. However, to work and settling abroad effect had not lost its appeal and immigration continued but now through illegal means. This created a demand for human smugglers. Like any other market, human smuggling entails a demand and supply-relationship. Responding to an increase in demand for illegal immigration, human smugglers set up offices in the catchment area to begin the process of recruitment, building networks, and starting their criminal enterprise.

Political instability, economic crisis and the promise of a better life abroad compel Pakistanis to risk everything for green pasture.  Human smugglers ply different routes to reach Europe, depending on how much they are paid. The human smugglers use all three routes of transportation, i.e. land, water, and air. Those who pay high amounts are flown to North Africa legally via different routes and from there transported to Europe on ships.

Pakistanis who can’t afford the flight to North Africa are often transported by a dangerous land route to Greece, via Iran and Turkey.

Pakistan’s outward route primarily runs through the Balochistan province. The 905km long border with Iran offers multiple crossing points which are smugglers’ gateways into Iran on valid visas and onwards. The sea route originates from the ports of Pasni, Jiwani,  Gwadar, etc. Human ‘cargo’ is put on boats which take these migrants through the Gulf of Oman and they reach Iran. The journey continues from there onwards to Turkey and overland to Europe. The air route is used by illegal immigrants with better means or resources. One such route runs from Pakistan to Libya via Dubai on valid visas. Libya is the staging post. Human smugglers take the group in sea-faring boats and leave them on smaller boats (often a rubber dinghy), in the middle of the Mediterranean Sea. The secondary boats or ships are left at the mercy of currents and winds or the chance of Italian Coast Guards’ interception. The most tragic accidents of drowning have occurred along this route.

Curbing human smuggling falls in the sphere of FIA. As an organized crime, international human smuggling develops nexuses with other criminal enterprises and networks, such as the forgery of documents. There is also a lack of investigative competence at the field office level.

A serious lack of coordination among law enforcement agencies continues to allow human smugglers/traffickers to operate with impunity.

The human smuggling problem in Pakistan is driven by economic woes and weak law enforcement. The country of over 240 million people, where the average salary is just Rs 35,000 per month is under the worst economic crisis in its history with the rupee depreciating rapidly and a sovereign default looming. What remains most worrisome is that among those who want to leave the country are youngsters who seem to have lost hope in the country. Many think the problem is irreversible in the near future. Pakistan’s policy has been to freely allow outward migration for employment. It has been buttressing the country’s poor economy, after all with annual substantial foreign remittances of around US$ 25 billion. But this is not a concrete policy and reflects a short vision on the part of the leadership.

But what remains a fact is that more and more people are convinced that people should work overseas and migrate to other countries. Robust policy discussions should thus be generated on how and why this is happening.

The state’s efforts ought to be aimed at meeting the expectations and needs of its people. A holistic approach needs to be taken.

What is happening right next door in Afghanistan is a perfect example. What the state needs to do is pursue a sound policy: Set its faltering house in the order wherein domestic economic growth and societal liberalization are fostered while young people are cajoled into staying with employment opportunities and turning Pakistan’s politics, society, and economy around.

Navigating the Silk Road of Influence: China’s Belt and Road Initiative and its Impact on U.S. Foreign Policy

By
Naveed Hussain Mangi
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2

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), proposed by China in 2013, has emerged as a significant driver of global economic and geopolitical change. This ambitious project aims to enhance connectivity and promote economic cooperation between Asia, Europe, Africa, and the Middle East through infrastructure development and trade facilitation.

While the BRI has garnered considerable attention for its potential benefits, its impact on the United States has raised concerns and implications for U.S. foreign policy.

China’s skillful diplomacy in reuniting Iran and Saudi Arabia in the Middle Eastern region through the BRI has had a multifaceted impact on the United States. Economically, the BRI’s extensive infrastructure projects and trade networks have the potential to reshape global economic dynamics. By strengthening transportation links and promoting trade, the initiative could enhance economic interdependence and offer new opportunities for participating countries.

However, the growing influence of China in the Middle East, facilitated by its efforts to strengthen ties between Iran and Saudi Arabia, presents challenges to U.S. economic interests and strategic partnerships in the region. Saudi Arabia, a longstanding ally of the United States, has traditionally played a vital role in the U.S. presence in the Middle East. However, China’s successful efforts in reuniting Iran and Saudi Arabia have tilted Saudi Arabia towards China, undermining U.S. interests and influence in the region. The increasing alignment of Saudi Arabia with China not only challenges U.S. economic interests but also raises questions about the durability and stability of the U.S.-Saudi partnership. As Saudi Arabia turns towards China, the United States faces the risk of losing a key ally in the region. This shift in alliances has implications for U.S. access to energy resources, regional security cooperation, and the overall balance of power in the Middle East. Furthermore, the BRI’s impact on energy security is a pressing concern for the United States.

The Middle East is a critical region for global energy security, and the United States has historically played a significant role in ensuring stability and access to oil resources. However, China’s growing presence in the region through the BRI poses challenges to U.S. energy security interests.

As Saudi Arabia increasingly turns towards China, the United States faces the risk of losing influence over one of the world’s largest oil producers. This shift not only impacts U.S. energy security but also raises questions about the future dynamics of global energy markets. China’s expanded presence in the Middle East may alter the traditional patterns of oil trade and energy cooperation, potentially diminishing the United States’ role in shaping global energy policies.

The BRI’s impact on the United States is not limited to the Middle East alone. As the initiative extends its reach across Asia, Europe, Africa, and other regions, it creates new economic opportunities and challenges for the United States. China’s investments in infrastructure projects, such as ports, railways, and telecommunications networks, enable it to gain influence and control over key trade routes and economic hubs. This can potentially undermine the United States’ economic interests and competitiveness in these regions, as China strengthens its economic ties and expands its sphere of influence. Moreover, the financing mechanisms associated with the BRI, often involving large-scale loans to participating countries, raise concerns about debt sustainability and economic dependency. If governments become overly indebted to China, they may find themselves vulnerable to political pressure and influence from Beijing, undermining the United States’ ability to foster economic partnerships and alliances based on shared values and principles.

The BRI also reflects the broader strategic rivalry between China and the United States. As China expands its global influence through economic initiatives like the BRI, it challenges U.S. dominance and influence in various regions, including the Middle East. China’s successful efforts in reuniting Iran and Saudi Arabia testify to its diplomatic understanding and ability to maneuver within complex geopolitical dynamics. This poses a strategic challenge for the United States, as it must navigate an evolving global order where its traditional allies may be drawn closer to China’s orbit.

The United States must carefully assess and respond to these challenges to safeguard its interests, maintain its global influence, and promote a rules-based international order that aligns with its values and objectives.

In conclusion, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has wide-ranging implications for the United States. China’s diplomatic success in reuniting Iran and Saudi Arabia through the BRI poses challenges to U.S. influence and strategic interests in the Middle East. The economic, geopolitical, energy security, and strategic implications of the BRI raise challenges for U.S. foreign policy and regional influence. As China expands its presence in the Middle East and other regions, the United States must carefully reassess its engagement strategies to protect its interests, maintain its influence, and ensure a balanced and rules-based approach to global economic cooperation.

Exposed – Vulnerabilities of Indian Aircraft Tejas

By
Asma Khan Durrani
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2
IAF Tejas

The Indian aircraft Tejas, which was once envisioned as a symbol of indigenous defense production, has faced setbacks in its international sales. Recently, Malaysia joined Egypt in refusing to buy the Indian Tejas aircraft, citing concerns about its viability, durability, and reliability. These rejections have raised questions about India’s defense production industry and highlighted the vulnerabilities in the Tejas aircraft.

The Tejas aircraft, developed by India’s Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL), was intended to bolster the country’s self-reliance in defense manufacturing. However, despite its domestic success, the Tejas has struggled to find international buyers. The recent rejections by Egypt and Malaysia have shed light on the vulnerabilities of this indigenously developed aircraft.

Egypt’s refusal to purchase the Indian Tejas aircraft was a significant setback for India’s defense production industry. The Egyptian government cited concerns regarding the viability and performance of the Tejas, leading them to opt for other alternatives. This rejection raised doubts about the competitiveness and technological advancements of the Tejas in the global market. Egypt’s rejection of the Indian offer to purchase Tejas aircraft stemmed from concerns over various factors. The Egyptian government expressed doubts regarding the durability and reliability of the aircraft. Egypt’s decision to reject Tejas aircraft highlighted its preference for alternatives that provided a higher level of assurance in terms of quality and performance.

Following in Egypt’s footsteps, Malaysia also declined to buy the Indian Tejas aircraft. Despite India’s efforts to convince the Malaysian government and finalize a defense deal, the Malaysian authorities deemed the Tejas as an unviable option. Malaysia raised objections about the durability and reliability of the Tejas, further diminishing its prospects in the international markets.

One of the primary issues surrounding the Indian Tejas aircraft is its viability compared to other competitors. The defense industry is highly competitive, and countries seek aircraft that offer advanced capabilities, cutting-edge technology, and cost-effectiveness. The Tejas has faced challenges in proving its competitiveness in these areas, which has resulted in limited interest from potential buyers.

Both Egypt and Malaysia expressed concerns about the durability and reliability of the Tejas aircraft. Military aircraft must withstand rigorous operational requirements, including combat scenarios and harsh environments. Any doubts regarding the durability and reliability of an aircraft can significantly impact its credibility and hinder its marketability. The objections raised by Egypt and Malaysia indicate the need for improvements in these areas for the Tejas.

The rejections of the Tejas aircraft by Egypt and Malaysia have raised concerns about India’s defense production industry. The refusals to purchase the Indian Tejas aircraft has put a spotlight on the vulnerabilities of this indigenous defense production. Concerns regarding the viability, durability, and reliability of the Tejas have contributed to its limited success in the international markets.

The rejection of the Tejas aircraft has undoubtedly raised concerns about India’s defense production industry. The world of military aviation is rife with competition, where nations strive to develop and deploy cutting-edge fighter jets to secure their airspace. In this context, it becomes crucial to scrutinize the vulnerabilities and shortcomings of the Indian indigenous aircraft, Tejas, and draw a comparative analysis with Pakistan’s JF-17 Thunder, a formidable contender in the region.

The Tejas aircraft, despite its aspirations, has faced substantial challenges and criticisms regarding its performance and capabilities. One of the primary concerns surrounding Tejas is its durability and reliability in demanding operational conditions. Questions have been raised regarding the aircraft’s ability to withstand intense combat scenarios, extreme weather conditions, and long-term usage without compromising its performance. Tejas has faced criticism for its perceived technological limitations compared to its global counterparts. Some argue that it lacks advanced features, avionics, and radar systems that are essential for modern warfare, thereby impacting its overall effectiveness. There have been doubts regarding Tejas’ combat capabilities and its suitability for air-to-air and air-to-ground missions. Critics suggest that it may fall short when pitted against more advanced and agile fighter jets, potentially limiting its effectiveness in a dynamic battlefield environment.

While Tejas grapples with its vulnerabilities, Pakistan’s JF-17 Thunder has emerged as a notable player in the region. Developed jointly by Pakistan and China, the JF-17 Thunder possesses several attributes that have solidified its reputation. The JF-17 Thunder boasts advanced avionics, including modern radar systems, electronic warfare capabilities, and improved data-link technology. These features enhance its situational awareness, allowing for better threat detection and superior operational efficiency. JF-17 has optimal combat effectiveness as it equipped with a wide array of air-to-air and air-to-ground weaponry, the JF-17 Thunder demonstrates its versatility and effectiveness in various mission profiles. Its superior maneuverability and performance have been lauded by experts, enabling it to excel in both defensive and offensive roles.

The JF-17 Thunder offers a cost-effective alternative to other contemporary fighter jets without compromising on performance. This affordability factor has garnered attention from several nations seeking to enhance their air defense capabilities within budget constraints.

When comparing the Tejas and JF-17 Thunder, it is crucial to acknowledge the varying development trajectories and objectives of both aircraft. While the Tejas aims to establish India’s self-reliance in defense production, the JF-17 Thunder represents a strategic collaboration between Pakistan and China. However, in terms of certain key aspects, the JF-17 Thunder demonstrates a powerful dominance over the Tejas. The JF-17 Thunder has already been successfully inducted into the air forces of Pakistan and other countries, accumulating operational experience and a proven track record. This provides a level of confidence to potential buyers, knowing that the aircraft has undergone rigorous testing and validation. The collaboration between Pakistan and China in the development of JF-17 Thunder has facilitated technology transfer and robust support mechanisms. This enables continuous advancements and updates

 

Freedom of Speech in the Digital Era: Jack Dorsey’s Encounter with the Indian Government

By
Zain ul Abidin
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2

In the 21st century, humans have made significant progress in moving away from a barbaric living style devoid of basic human rights and freedom of speech.

The advent of social media and the digital world has taken the freedom of speech to a new level, allowing people to express themselves freely. However, this new form of freedom of speech comes with its challenges, as exemplified by the recent controversy involving Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey and the Indian government.

Twitter, a microblogging social media platform, has always claimed to support and promote freedom of speech. Yet, several authoritarian governments, including the Indian government, have attempted to control these platforms through political and economic influence, aiming to suppress the voices of the masses and curtail freedom of speech. India, in particular, has been under scrutiny for its violations of basic human rights and suppression of freedom of speech.

The authoritarian rules and regulations imposed by the Indian government raise concerns about the violation of human rights and the restriction of freedom of speech. Despite India’s claim to be the largest democratic country, there have been instances where the RSS ideology has influenced the Indian parliament, leading to the implementation of unnecessary laws that violate human rights. The violation of human rights is not a new phenomenon, as seen in the Indian-occupied Kashmir, where the Modi government has suppressed the Muslim majority population.

In line with this fascist legacy, the Modi government has attempted to suppress and control the largest farmer protest in the world, which saw tens of thousands of farmers and approximately 250 million people standing in solidarity against three new agricultural bills introduced by the government. In a recent interview with the YouTube channel “Breaking Point,” former Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey claimed that the Indian government pressured the microblogging website to censor content and prevent it from going viral, thereby fueling the protest.

Dorsey stated, “India is a country that had many requests of us around the farmer’s protest, around particular journalists that were critical of the government, and it manifested in ways such as ‘we will shut Twitter down in India,’ which is a very large market for us; ‘we will raid the homes of your employees,’ which they did; ‘we will shut down your offices if you don’t follow suit,’ and this is India, a democratic country.” Dorsey went on to draw comparisons with his experiences in other countries, including Turkey, which he considered very similar to India.

In response to these claims, Rajeev Chandrasekhar, Union Minister of State for Electronics and Technology, denied them, calling them an outright lie. However, given the nature of the Modi government, which is associated with the RSS ideology, the actions claimed by Jack Dorsey are not entirely unexpected. This is not the first time the Indian government has attempted to suppress the voices of the masses in violation of human rights and freedom of speech. In 2018, WhatsApp sued the Indian government in the Delhi High Court over regulations requiring traceability, which would infringe upon citizens’ constitutional right to privacy.

These outrageous attempts by the Indian government to control and regulate social media and public opinion, coupled with the recent claims made by former Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey, raise questions about human rights violations, freedom of speech, and the manipulation of public narratives.

Democracy is meant to ensure freedom of expression, open dialogue, and the right to dissent. Yet, in the so-called largest democracy in the world, the opposite seems to be happening.

In conclusion, the Modi government’s authoritarian rule in India raises major concerns about the repression of free speech and breaches of human rights. As noted by former CEO Jack Dorsey, attempts to manage and regulate social media sites like Twitter are an example of how the government likes to muzzle dissenting voices and shape public perceptions. These activities go against democratic ideals, which are meant to uphold the freedom of speech, the right to an open discussion, and the right to disagree. Holding governments responsible for their actions and ensuring the protection of fundamental human rights are essential as the globe moves towards a more inclusive and democratic society. The situation in India is a clear reminder of the difficulties in promoting and sustaining freedom of speech in the digital era, and it demands attention from everyone over the world in order to protect these fundamental rights for all people.

Erosion of US Dollar Hegemony: Implications and Options for Global South

By
Ambassador Naghmana Hashmi
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2

As we move from a unipolar to a multipolar world, we witness a flux affecting all aspects of world politics and economy. The power configuration in international relations is also reflected in the international monetary system.

The US dollar has long been the global reserve currency, serving as a cornerstone of international trade and finance for decades.

However, in recent years, the dollar’s dominance has been challenged by a number of factors, including growing international economic competition, shifting geopolitical power dynamics, and changes in global financial markets. As a result, the US dollar has experienced a decline in value, raising concerns about its long-term stability and future role in the global economy. It is, therefore, necessary to analyze the impact this may have on the US dollar hegemony and power relations in the international monetary system and how it will affect the developed and developing countries, particularly the Global South.

US dollar has long played an oversized role in global markets, far outperforming the US’s share in global trade, international bond issuance, and cross-border borrowing and lending. Among the main reasons for the dollar’s decline in recent years has been the rise of economic competition from emerging markets. There are undercurrents and efforts particularly by the BRICS nations led by China, that indicate a slow yet certain erosion of the US dollar’s and a subtle shift towards a multipolar currency order. Surging gold prices and falling dollar reserves are seen as clear evidence of this shift.

Another factor contributing to the dollar’s decline has been the United States relative decline in power and influence, particularly in the wake of the global financial crisis of 2008 led to a greater willingness on the part of other countries to challenge American economic and political dominance. This has been reflected in efforts by countries such as China, Russia, Argentina, Brazil, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and Iran among others to reduce their dependence on the US dollar in international transactions and to promote the use of alternative currencies or payment systems.

Although it may still be early to tell, a sustained effort by the Global South to reduce its dollar dependence is becoming increasingly evident. Under the fast-changing emerging global political and economic changes, is it possible for the Western powers to prevent, or at least slow down the pace of further fragmentation at a time of high inflation, geopolitical tensions, the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, the war in Ukraine and the sanctions on Russia?

Political analysts believe the increased reliance on financial sanctions by the U.S.A as a foreign policy tool has led to the search for alternate currencies for trading. While the true effectiveness of these sanctions is still debatable, the measures have led Russia, as well as other countries in the Global South, to seek potential alternatives and lead to the slow but steady rise of alternative financial infrastructures, eventually pushing countries to seek different currencies, including their own.

The determination displayed by China to offer alternatives to the dollar deserve close attention as it has large internationally active banks, created its own clearinghouse for cross-border transactions, and embarked on a campaign to encourage broader international use of its currency.

The Global South’s response to the Russian invasion of Ukraine clearly manifested the inefficacity of the overuse of sanctions. As the US let controls restrict Russia’s access to the US dollar coupled with Western sanctions severely damaged the Russian economy and saw nearly half of its foreign currency reserves frozen and major banks removed from the interbank messaging service SWIFT. This forced Moscow to adopt a broader use of the Chinese Yuan. Putin called on its partners in Asia, Africa, and Latin America to adopt the Chinese RMB for cross-border payments. State-owned Russian gas giant Gazprom signed agreements with China National Petroleum Corporation to settle payments for Russian gas supplies to China in Roubles and Yuan. Other top Russian companies also started to borrow in Yuan in the bond market. In October, the Yuan surpassed the US dollar for the first time to become the most traded foreign currency on the Moscow exchange.

Then came Lula, wondering ‘why every country needs to trade in the dollar’ and ‘who decided it was the dollar after the disappearance of the gold standard?’ The BRICS have long aspired to de-dollarize, but this trend is spreading. Lately, ASEAN finance ministers and central bankers are also considering dropping foreign currencies in exchange for local ones. The current state of the Western-led international payments infrastructure is represented by SWIFT and US Clearing House Interbank Payments System (CHIPS). Countries and banks under sanctions of the UN or the West that are banned from SWIFT have to find other ways of communicating with foreign counterparts instead of relying on CHIPS for settling cross-border payments that could entail risks for countries with a difficult relationship with the US.

Increasing the international use of any country’s own currency against the established US dollar, however, entails several challenges. The first is that other countries should be willing to accept payment in that currency. The second is that it should be possible to trade the currency at a reasonable cost. The People’s Bank of China (PBOC) has sought to achieve this by signing a number of bilateral swap agreements with foreign central banks to provide liquidity for direct trades and so remove the need to purchase US dollars first. The third is that there should be a reliable mechanism for transferring payments between domestic and foreign entities, which is where a Chinese clearinghouse comes in. In 2015 the PBOC launched CIPS, an RMB-based interbank payment system to serve as an alternative to both SWIFT and Western clearinghouses. It is divided into direct participants who maintain an account in the system, and indirect participants who deal with it via the former.

China is an evident candidate due to its general opposition to US foreign policy particularly those who do not subscribe to the US worldview and hegemony.

Russia doing international business through Chinese financial institutions is helping them circumvent US sanctions and weaken the West’s coalition. China already constitutes a major market for Russian energy exports, and the RMB can be used for purchases of merchandise and material, pay for infrastructure projects, and buy government bonds. In fact, this is already happening with the help of smaller, regional Chinese banks without much exposure to the global financial system, so other countries could see this as insurance against future conflicts with the West.

According to UNCTAD, China is also the first country in terms of foreign direct investment outflows and second in terms of inflows. If foreign importers were increasingly encouraged to settle payments in RMB and borrow Yuan-denominated loans, particularly those participating in the Belt and Road Initiative, CIPS, and China’s swap lines could become an increasingly vital financial infrastructure for many countries. President Xi said during a visit to Saudi Arabia in December 2022 that there should be a new paradigm for energy cooperation, and he called for boosting the role of the Yuan as a currency for trading in oil and gas. The Shanghai Petroleum and Natural Gas Exchange platform is being fully utilized for Yuan settlement in oil and gas trading.

Argentina said in late April that it would start to pay for Chinese imports in Yuan rather than US dollars and has activated the currency swap arrangement with China. Brazil has begun to accept trade settlements and investments in Yuan, with an agreement reached between central banks and the appointment of a Yuan-clearing bank and access to the Cross-border Interbank Payment System, the China equivalent to the international financial messaging service Swift.

Similarly, Pakistan is now using the Yuan to buy Russian crude oil, with a test cargo of 750,000 barrels that arrived in the first week of June 2023. Several more cargoes of crude oil from Russia are underway. The agreement for the construction of the crucial US Dollar 9 billion Main Line 1 railway project is also being negotiated to be settled in Yuan.

Pakistan is also exploring larger barter trade arrangements and currency swap agreements with other countries including Iran and Afghanistan.

Bangladesh and Russia agreed to use the Yuan to settle payment for a nuclear plant that Moscow is building there. Dhaka had been unable to pay Moscow using US dollars after Russia was banned from accessing the Swift international money transfer system last year. The Iraqi central bank said in February that it would allow for private sector imports to be paid off in Yuan and that the bank would provide the Chinese currency to Iraqi lenders to pay their Chinese counterparts. The Bank of Thailand and the People’s Bank of China have held talks over additional cooperation to encourage businesses to use Yuan-baht settlement for trade between the two countries. China and Thailand renewed their Yuan-baht Bilateral Currency Swap Arrangement in January 2021.

In addition to structural factors, changes in global financial markets have also contributed to the dollar’s decline. The increasing availability and accessibility of new financial instruments, such as cryptocurrencies and digital payment platforms, has made it easier for individuals and businesses to conduct international transactions outside the traditional banking system, potentially reducing demand for the US dollar. Similarly, the growth of global financial markets has led to greater competition among currencies, as investors and traders seek out the most profitable and stable assets, further eroding the dollar’s position as the preeminent reserve currency. As Western nations levy harsh sanctions against Moscow, Many capitals including Beijing are worried that they could be next. Given the current fraught geopolitical climate, China hopes that reducing its reliance on the dollar will help act as a buffer against the threat of U.S. sanctions.

In conclusion, the decline of the US dollar as the global reserve currency is a complex and multifaceted phenomenon, driven by a range of structural, geopolitical, and financial factors.

While the dollar remains a dominant force in the global economy, its position is increasingly vulnerable to competition from emerging markets, shifting power dynamics, and changes in financial markets.

The long-term viability of the US dollar as the global reserve currency is thus by no means assured and will depend on a number of factors, including the ability of the US to maintain its economic and political dominance, the emergence of new technologies and financial instruments, and the willingness of other countries to challenge the dollar’s supremacy.

Indian Conduct with Indus Water Treaty Like Occupied Kashmir

By
Amna Nazakat
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3
Indian Soldier in Kashmir bordered with Pakistan

Indian media and Modi government seem to be openly threatening to withdraw the cases filed against India regarding Indus Water Treaty in the International Court of Hague. If these cases are not withdrawn immediately, then India will continue to behave with the Indus Water Treaty that it has been doing so far with UN resolutions regarding occupied Kashmir.  In the Indian media, a section is demanding vigorously that the Modi government should immediately withdraw the Indus Treaty and treat it the same as what it did with Article 370. Some analysts and anchors are so emotionally opposed to the Indus Treaty ‘as if this is the reason for India’s poverty and backwardness. India has termed Pakistan’s request for international mediation as a deviation from the Indus Treaty, saying that now India will not allow a drop of Chenab and Jhelum to come to Pakistan and will stop the water of the Indus River. We have complete silence in response to these threats made by India and the continued reporting of Indian media on the treaty.

This is the most important issue of national nature which should not be taken flippantly. We should not forget that Narendra Modi has been making such announcements in his meetings that he will stop a drop of rivers coming to Pakistan. Some classes see these adventurers as a tactic to ram their voters and to collect extremist voters, but the matter cannot be ignored by the seriousness of the matter and Modi’s track record.

If talk about the Indus Treaty, about 63 years ago, the efforts of Pakistani President Ayub Khan and Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru reached a unanimous agreement between the two countries regarding rivers’ water. According to the agreement, 80% of the western rivers of Jhelum, Sindh, and Chenab were found to be the right of Pakistan, and India recognized it formally. According to the agreement, India was given the right to use 20% of the Indus River water and three eastern rivers’ Ravi, Beas and Sutlej water. India has the right to generate electricity from the flowing water of the rivers in Pakistan, but it does not have the right to store water or reduce its flow. The World Bank is a global guarantee in this agreement, but now India has tried to unilaterally change the rules and regulations of the deal. India issued a notice to Pakistan that the two countries should review the deal and amend it.

At present, there is a dispute between Pakistan and India regarding the Kishan Ganga and Ratle Dam, and Pakistan has filed a case against India in Hague’s International Court and requested the court to give its decision on the differences between the two countries. Both India’s hydroelectric projects are being made on the rivers of Jhelum and Chenab.

Pakistan fears that India will not only stop the water through these dams but will also try to flood Pakistan suddenly by opening the dams. On the controversial design of India’s water projects, Pakistan approached the World Bank’s mediation court in August 2016, on which the World Bank began the process of judicial formation in March 2022. The 330 MW Kishan Ganga project is calling India’s strategic project overly excessive. The only purpose of this project is to close the Neelam Jhelum Hydro project of one thousand megawatts in Pakistan. Pakistan had earlier raised this objection with India, but the Indus Water Treaty Commission could not make any decision in this regard. That is why it is now requested for neutral mediation. Although a request was made in this regard in 2015, it was then that the request was withdrawn the next year. Now, on the insistence of Pakistan, the World Bank has begun a neutral expert and mediation process simultaneously. It should be noted that almost all the problems in this agreement have arisen due to the construction of new dams by India. India was allowed to construct the Baglihar Dam in 2008, rejecting Pakistan’s objections. South Africa’s John Briscoe, who served for 35 years in Bangladesh, India, and Brazil as a World Bank’s water expert, wrote books and articles on the aquatic economy of India and Pakistan in 2006 and 2007. John said that India has been conducting water attacks on Pakistan for the past several years and Pakistan’s food fronts are being destroyed, but Pakistan is still not taking it seriously. The United Nations warned that “in the near future, war on water in Pakistan and India can break at any time”.

In the Indus Treaty, India was given only the authority over the Pakistani rivers to the extent that it could create a hydropower project on them. Neither can India reduce the amount of water, nor can be changed. The Modi government has now begun to deny the deal. On the issue of the Baglihar Dam, Pakistan objected that water gates could not be installed on the dam, but India made an excuse for Silt. John Briscoe had said that after living in New Delhi for five years, he could say with full confidence that India is always waiting for an opportunity to harm Pakistan.

Although there is room for termination or withdrawal of global agreements under the Vienna Convention, this aspect will not be applied to the Indus Treaty because even if somehow this agreement is broken, there are international conventions, regulations, and norms that protect the water interests of the riverine countries.

 

Middle East’s Conflict After World War II

By
Rizwan Ghafoor
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2

The agreement that China signed to normalize bilateral relations in Iran and Saudi Arabia in March this year is an open indictment that how significant China is going to play in the Middle East and now China will be the Center Stage in Middle East conflicts. The deal with Chinese President Xi Jinping’s visit to Saudi Arabia and Iran in December 2022 reflects China’s dynamic role in the Middle East, in which all its focus is on resolving the Middle East conflict.

If we look closely at the Middle East’s conflict after World War II, it is revealed that their backdrop is stimulating mutual jealousy ‘misconduct’, and overthrowing each other’s governments. However, the current rulers of the major Middle East countries are well aware that not only their state energies are lost due to the mutual conflict of these countries, but the peace and stability of the region are in danger. The article will give a brief address of conflicts and problems found in the Middle East that lead to mutual tension and mistrust. These conflicts have allowed external forces to intervene in the region. Reviewing these disputes makes it clear that if these countries resolve their regional issues like the Iran-Saudi agreement, it will benefit them all.

In the historical context, the regional politics of the Middle East and the Gulf are complex and uncertain. Over time, friendships and enemies change in the Middle East. If there is a friendly ceremony with any other country in the region of one country, then on another occasion, their friendship can turn into tension. In view of this uncertainty of relations, Pakistan should refrain from interfering in the conflicts of Arab countries and give them advice to resolve their disputes with peaceful and diplomatic means. The mixed atmosphere of mutual tension and cooperation has been a significant and prominent attribute of the Middle East, especially when General Mohammad Najib’s leadership rebelled before the support of the Free Officer group, including Jamal Abdul Nasir, in July 1952, and after that, in 1954-56. Jamal Abdul Nasser took over power.

Jamal Abdul Nasser’s ‘Arab nationalism’ slogan introduced new and revolutionary political forces in several Middle East countries, which resulted in a prominent political division in the region. The likes of the United States bothered the pro -Kingdoms that many countries could not survive without being affected. In the 1960s, Middle East politics was divided due to the positive and negative effects of Arab nationalism. Later, Anwar al -Sadat took over Egypt and visited Jerusalem in November 1977 to direct bilateral issues with Israel, which further divided the Middle East. Egypt’s membership was suspended. It took many years to return to Egypt’s Arab League.

The wave of ‘Arab Spring’ in the Middle East has led to a new political crisis in the Middle East. Countries like Egypt, Libya and Yemen, faced political turmoil, which, the US, European countries and several countries in the region, found an excuse for political and military intervention in these states. Egypt’s experience of political chaos and military coup as a result, an authoritarian government came to power, but political stability in Egypt came. Libya also suffered political chaos when Colonel Gaddafi rebelled and killed in it. The United States and the European countries openly intervened in Libya and thus internal groups had the opportunity to overthrow Gaddafi. Even after the collapse of the government, it is constantly suffering from internal chaos.

Sham President Bashar al-Assad suffered internal insurgency in 2011, which lasted for eleven years. Conservatives, Arab kings and the United States supported anti-Syrian government elements, which caused severe pressure against the Syrian government; However, President Bashar al -Assad managed to escape the crisis because the Syrian army supported him on a large scale. He also received military and political aid from Russia and Iran. In 2011, the Arab League suspended Syria’s membership that Syrian government had used state force indiscriminately against its opponents. In 2017, Qatar and other neighboring countries became a new fault line. These countries accused Qatar of promoting terrorism by supporting militants in the region. Another reason for this boycott was Qatar’s close ties with Iran, with these four countries strained. Land, air and naval contacts with Qatar were suspended. The tension reached its end in January 2021 when Saudi Arabia and other Arab countries decided to bring their relations with Qatar to a re-enactment.

The most serious fault line in the Middle East is in the form of strained relations between Saudi Arabia and Iran. Iran’s major target was conservative and pro -US kingdoms. Iran and Saudi Arabia suspended their ambassadors’ level relations in 2016. Both countries were involved in a proxy war by supporting militant groups in Yemen and Lebanon. The support of Hezbollah in Iran’s Hamas and Lebanon in the Gaza Strip created further distance between the two countries. Iran began openly confronting Israel, but Saudi Arabia pursued a tension-free policy with Israel. One of the major causes of concern for Saudi Arabia was Iran’s nuclear program. When US President Donald Trump canceled the nuclear deal with Iran in 2018, Saudi Arabia expressed satisfaction.

The agreement to normalize diplomatic relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia on China’s Emma has also created a possibility of a launch of peace and stability in the Middle East. The war can also be expected. After the improvement of Iran-Saudi relations, Pakistan will also be able to promote multilateral and active trade and economic relations with Iran. After that, Iran -Pakistan gas pipeline will also be completed and industries in Pakistan. The shortage of gas will also be resolved. With the improvement of Pak -Iran relations, mutual dependence between the two countries will also increase.

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