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Amidst Discord and Detente: A Critical Appraisal of the Saudi-Iran Thaw

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Saudi Arabia and Iran, two influential powers in the Middle East, have long been engaged in a bitter rivalry that has intensified regional tensions and impacted global affairs. However, recent developments have shown signs of a possible normalization of relations between the two nations. This appraisal explores the historical context, key issues, and potential implications of a Saudi Arabia-Iran rapprochement, shedding light on the prospects of stability and cooperation in the region.

The Saudi Arabia-Iran rivalry can be traced back to the Islamic Revolution of 1979, which led to the establishment of the Islamic Republic in Iran, challenging the Saudi-led Sunni dominance in the region. Over the years, the two nations have engaged in proxy conflicts in Yemen, Syria, Lebanon, and Iraq, supporting opposing factions and exacerbating sectarian divisions. Diplomatic ties were severed in 2016 following the storming of the Saudi embassy in Tehran, further deteriorating relations.

In recent years, there have been several notable developments indicating a potential shift towards normalization. One crucial factor has been the change in leadership in both countries. Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman in Saudi Arabia and President Hassan Rouhani in Iran have expressed a willingness to engage in dialogue and reduce tensions. Additionally, the appointment of Ibrahim Raisi as Iran’s president, known for his hardline stance, has sparked speculation that his administration might pursue a more pragmatic approach to regional relations. Moreover, the devastating consequences of the Yemeni civil war, where Saudi Arabia and Iran have been backing opposing sides, have highlighted the urgent need for de-escalation. The war’s toll on civilian lives and infrastructure has fostered international pressure on both nations to seek a peaceful resolution.

The normalization of Saudi Arabia-Iran relations would have far-reaching implications for the Middle East and beyond. Firstly, it could pave the way for increased stability in the region, reducing the likelihood of proxy conflicts and sectarian violence. A de-escalation of tensions would also create an environment conducive to addressing other pressing issues, such as the Syrian conflict, where Saudi Arabia and Iran have supported opposing factions, prolonging the suffering of the Syrian people.

Economically, the two nations have much to gain from improved relations. Saudi Arabia and Iran possess significant oil reserves and are key players in the global energy market. Cooperation between the two could lead to greater stability in oil prices and enhanced economic prospects for the region. Furthermore, joint investments in infrastructure projects, trade partnerships, and tourism initiatives could provide a much-needed boost to their respective economies.

From a geopolitical standpoint, a Saudi Arabia-Iran rapprochement would likely shift regional power dynamics. It could lead to a more balanced regional order, reducing the influence of external actors and allowing the countries in the region to have a greater say in shaping their own destinies. This would foster greater autonomy and self-determination for Middle Eastern nations.

However, achieving normalization will not be without challenges. Deep-rooted mistrust, ideological differences, and competition for regional dominance will require significant diplomatic efforts and confidence-building measures. The involvement of neutral mediators (China and Russia) or international organizations, such as the United Nations, could play a crucial role in facilitating dialogue and fostering an environment of trust.

Trust-building measures are crucial in overcoming deep-rooted mistrust. Confidence-building measures could include reciprocal gestures such as the release of political prisoners, the easing of travel restrictions, and the reopening of embassies. These actions would signal a genuine commitment to reconciliation and pave the way for more substantial progress.

Engaging in cultural and people-to-people exchanges can also contribute to fostering understanding and empathy between Saudi Arabian and Iranian citizens. Educational and cultural programs, sports events, and joint artistic collaborations could help bridge the divide and promote a sense of common identity beyond political differences. Additionally, addressing regional conflicts where Saudi Arabia and Iran are involved as rival actors is essential. Yemen, Syria, and Iraq are prime examples of areas where cooperation between the two nations could have a transformative impact. Working together to support peace initiatives, humanitarian aid, and post-conflict reconstruction efforts would demonstrate a shared commitment to regional stability and the welfare of affected populations.

In addition to the steps mentioned earlier, there are several other measures that can contribute to the normalization of Saudi Arabia and Iran relations. Track II diplomacy involves unofficial, non-governmental channels of communication. Utilizing think tanks, academic institutions, and civil society organizations, Saudi Arabia and Iran can engage in dialogue and exchange ideas outside the confines of formal diplomacy.These platforms provide an opportunity for open and constructive discussions, fostering understanding and trust between the two nations.

Economic cooperation can be a powerful incentive for both Saudi Arabia and Iran to seek normalization. The establishment of joint economic ventures, trade agreements, and investment partnerships would not only enhance economic growth but also create interdependencies that promote stability and cooperation. The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) can play a crucial role in facilitating economic integration between the two countries.

As custodians of Islam’s two holiest sites, Saudi Arabia and Iran have the potential to exert significant influence over the Muslim world. Engaging in religious dialogue and promoting tolerance can help bridge sectarian divides and foster a sense of unity among Muslims. Joint initiatives, conferences, and interfaith dialogues can contribute to a more harmonious relationship based on shared religious values.

Water scarcity and environmental challenges are pressing issues in the region. Collaborative efforts in managing shared water resources, promoting sustainable development, and addressing environmental degradation can provide a platform for Saudi Arabia and Iran to work together on common challenges. These efforts can build confidence and demonstrate a commitment to shared regional interests.

The path to normalizing Saudi Arabia and Iran relations requires a multifaceted approach that includes diplomatic engagement, trust-building measures, economic cooperation, cultural exchanges, and addressing shared regional challenges. By taking these steps, both countries can move towards a more constructive relationship, leading to stability and prosperity in the Middle East. It is through sustained efforts, dialogue, and a genuine commitment to reconciliation that the longstanding rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Iran can be transformed into a partnership that benefits both nations and the region as a whole.

The SCO and Gulf: The UAE’s Growing Role in Regional Security and Economic Cooperation

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The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) is a regional multilateral organization founded in 2001 by China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan. The SCO’s main goals are to promote regional cooperation on security, economic development, and cultural exchange. In recent years, the organization has been expanding its membership and influence, and has now officially granted dialogue partner status to the United Arab Emirates (UAE).

The UAE’s elevation to dialogue partner status in the SCO is a significant development, as it represents the first time that a Middle Eastern country has been granted such a status.

The UAE’s elevation to dialogue partner status in the SCO is a significant development, as it represents the first time that a Middle Eastern country has been granted such a status. The move reflects the growing importance of the Gulf region in the SCO’s activities, and the desire of both the UAE and the SCO member states to enhance their economic and security cooperation.

The UAE has long been a key player in the Gulf region, with significant economic, political, and military influence. The country has made significant investments in infrastructure, energy, and real estate in the region, and has been expanding its diplomatic ties with other countries in the region and beyond. The UAE is also a major contributor to the fight against terrorism and extremism, and has been working closely with other countries in the region to address these threats.

The UAE’s dialogue partner status in the SCO is likely to have significant implications for the region and beyond. The move will enhance the UAE’s standing in the international community and strengthen its position as a key player in the Gulf region. The country will now have access to the SCO’s economic and security forums, and will be able to participate in discussions on issues such as energy security, counter-terrorism, and cultural exchange.

The move also reflects the SCO’s increasing focus on the Middle East, which has become an important region for energy and trade. The SCO has been working to develop economic and trade ties with Middle Eastern countries, and has been expanding its membership to include more countries from the region. The UAE’s dialogue partner status is a significant step in this process, and is likely to enhance the SCO’s influence in the Gulf region.

One of the potential benefits of the UAE’s dialogue partner status in the SCO is increased economic cooperation between the UAE and the SCO member states. The UAE has been pursuing a strategy of diversifying its economy away from oil and gas, and has been investing heavily in sectors such as finance, tourism, and renewable energy.

However, the UAE’s dialogue partner status in the SCO is not without its challenges. The country’s relationship with other Middle Eastern countries, particularly Iran, has been complex and sometimes fraught. The UAE has been working to balance its relationship with countries, but the tensions between the two countries could make it difficult for the UAE to fully engage with the SCO on issues related to the Middle East.

One of the potential benefits of the UAE’s dialogue partner status in the SCO is increased economic cooperation between the UAE and the SCO member states. The UAE has been pursuing a strategy of diversifying its economy away from oil and gas, and has been investing heavily in sectors such as finance, tourism, and renewable energy. The SCO member states have significant natural resources and emerging markets, and the UAE’s dialogue partner status could open up new opportunities for trade and investment.

The US has been a key partner for the UAE in the areas of security and economic cooperation, and the two countries have worked closely on issues such as counter-terrorism, energy security, and trade. The UAE’s growing relationship with China, which is the dominant member state in the SCO, could lead to concerns in the US about the UAE’s alignment with China’s geopolitical agenda.

The move is also likely to enhance the UAE’s security cooperation with the SCO member states. The UAE has been an active participant in the fight against terrorism and extremism, and has been working closely with other countries in the region to address these threats. The SCO has also been focusing on counter-terrorism and has been working to enhance security cooperation among its member states. The UAE’s dialogue partner status could lead to increased cooperation in this area, particularly in the areas of intelligence sharing and law enforcement.

However, the UAE’s dialogue partner status in the SCO could also have implications for the country’s relationship with the United States. The US has been a key partner for the UAE in the areas of security and economic cooperation, and the two countries have worked closely on issues such as counter-terrorism, energy security, and trade. The UAE’s growing relationship with China, which is the dominant member state in the SCO, could lead to concerns in the US about the UAE’s alignment with China’s geopolitical agenda. This could lead to tensions in the UAE’s relationship with the US and could impact its strategic position in the region.

In conclusion, the UAE’s elevation to dialogue partner status in the SCO is a significant development that reflects the growing importance of the Gulf region in the organization’s activities. The move is likely to enhance the UAE’s standing in the international community and strengthen its position as a key player in the Gulf region. The potential benefits of increased economic and security cooperation with the SCO member states are significant, but the implications for the UAE’s relationship with the United States could be a source of tension in the future. The UAE’s engagement with the SCO will be closely watched by the international community as it seeks to balance its relationships with both China and the United States.

 

Introducing International Relations: Concepts, Theories and Practices

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Introducing International Relations: Concepts, Theories, and Practices

Book Author: Farhan Hanif Siddiqi, Muhammad Nadeem Mirza
Published by Oxford University Press, Karachi, 2023, Pp 458.

Either write something worth reading or do something worth writing.

(Benjamin Franklin)

Introducing International Relations: Concepts, Theories, and Practices, is an in-depth introduction to the study of international relations. It provides an overview of the history and development of the field, as well as a comprehensive survey of the major theories, concepts, and issues that inform contemporary international relations. It personifies the essence of Benjamin Franklin’s idea of writing something that is worth reading as both the Author have remarkably shaped a holistic approach to the subject, examining the political, economic, cultural, and environmental aspects of international relations. By providing an essential yet easy understanding of the field of international relations the book emphasizes the importance of bringing together theoretical foundations with substantive matters existing all around us in everyday world politics and focuses on the practical side of the theory application in International Relations.

It covers all the main concepts, theories, and practices that students need to understand the agenda of the global setting.

The book provides a comprehensive overview of the discipline, from the basics of international relations theory and history to the current debates and contemporary issues by thoroughly explaining various approaches to IR.

such as liberal Internationalism, Realism, the English School of thought, Complex interdependence, Structural Realism, Marxism, Constructivism, Critical Theory, and Postmodernism. The book explains each of these theories in detail, providing an extensive overview of the theoretical foundations of each approach.

This book is divided into sixteen chapters, including an introductory chapter dealing with imagination, definition, and evolution of the discipline of International relations. It provides a working definition of International Relations by expounding essential concepts such as state, nation, government, and sovereignty. Additionally, the book covers various topics related to international relations, such as Foreign Policy, Strategic Studies and War, Dimensions, and Balance of Power, Arms Control, Disarmament Nuclear Non-Proliferation, Conflict Resolution, Peace Studies, International Law, International Political Economy, Environment, Feminism and Gender, Identity Nationalism and Ethnic Conflict by dedicating immense focus to each area thoroughly. Whereas, each chapter concludes with important key points as well as raises questions for the reader to ponder over and indulge in further inquiry. Similarly, each topic provides a thought-provoking ‘student thinking exercise’ as well.

The book concludes by drawing a comparison between International Relations Today and Tomorrow in its last chapter. The debate focuses on the fact that the states are not merely material and institutional entities but need to be seen at an ideational level, where they are also constitutive of ideas and identity. It makes it clear that International relations assert a rich theoretical and methodological framework that is diverse and interdisciplinary in nature. It expounds on both contemporary theoretical debates with respect to Cultural Theory, Quantum Physics, Post International Politics, and non-Western IR theory as well as contemporary empirical developments including the rise of China, Brexit Arab Spring, and emerging geo-political and geostrategic dynamics in South Asia.

One of the most interesting and striking features of the book is the inclusion of a chapter solely devoted to explaining how to conduct research in International Relations by indulging in methodological debate Making it easier for the research student to grasp the theoretical debate as well as understand how to apply the same while drawing their research design. It focuses on the Philosophical debate in International Relations with regard to ontology and epistemology and draws their practical link with the methodology. Further, it explores the practical issues in International Research research such as exploring research topics, formulating good research questions and testable hypotheses, conceptualizing variables, methods to understand and measure those variables and finally adopting a suitable research design in order to collect and analyze data for research.

The book is very well-structured and easy to follow, which makes it suitable for a wide range of readers. The book is also thoroughly researched, coving a wide range of topics, which is a great asset for students and scholars alike.

Overall, both authors have done an admirable job of providing a comprehensive introduction to the field of international relations and clear and concise explanations of key concepts and issues. Additionally, the writing style is accessible and engaging, making it easy for readers to understand and retain the material

Pakistan-China Strategic Partnership and Defense Interoperability

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Pakistan, China joint Air Force Exercise

The relationship between Pakistan and China is one of the strongest in the world, and their cooperation is not limited to economic ties only. The two countries share a deep and longstanding strategic partnership, with military cooperation being a vital component of that relationship. By working together, Pakistan and China ensure the growth of their military capabilities which is able to offset the incoming challenges and counter regional developments of countervailing coalitions.

South Asia is an environment characterized by fluid alignments, the makeup of the Pakistan-China coalition is forged upon geostrategic and geo-economic interests.

South Asia is an environment characterized by fluid alignments, the makeup of the Pakistan-China coalition is forged upon geostrategic and geo-economic interests. China’s commercial heft provides Pakistan with immense benefits because the economic coalition with China helps Pakistan offset the coercive leverage which regional and global players try to exert upon Pakistan. Correspondingly, a technological coalition with China ensures Pakistan’s ability to capture the commanding heights of innovation in the 21st century. Similarly, lessons from a governance coalition of Chinese statecraft rules and norms assist Pakistan in the right direction to becoming regionally powerful. The first coalition is geostrategic and focuses on enhancing Pak-China cooperation, in order to deter India from using force or coercion against Pakistan. There is no doubt that China is succeeding in its primacy in the Indo-Pacific, Pakistan can use cooperation with China as a springboard for more expansive regional goals. This underpins a long-running military buildup as well as more recent efforts to enhance military interoperability.

The geostrategic coalition focuses on enhancing Pak-China cooperation, in order to deter India from using force or coercion against Pakistan. There is no doubt that China is succeeding in its primacy in the Indo-Pacific, Pakistan can use cooperation with China as a springboard for more expansive regional goals.

Recently, the visit of Pakistan’s Chief of Army Staff (COAS) General Asim Munir to China has further strengthened the bond between the two nations, particularly in the area of military interoperability. Military interoperability is defined as the ability of two or more military forces to operate together effectively. This cooperation requires not only similar equipment and training but also communication, coordination, and the ability to share intelligence. China and Pakistan have been working on enhancing their military interoperability for several years now, and this has been evident in various joint exercises and military exchanges between the two countries.

COAS’s visit to China was aimed at further strengthening the military cooperation between the two nations. During his visit, he met with senior Chinese military officials. The two military leaders discussed various issues of mutual interest, including regional security, counter-terrorism, and military cooperation. General Zhang Youxia, Vice Chairman of China’s Central Military Commission (CMC) – the highest command of the Chinese military, led by President Xi Jinping – met with COAS to discuss mutual security interests and military cooperation, the two military commanders reaffirmed the need to maintain peace and stability in the region while promoting military-to-military cooperation, a series of discussions with military officers aimed at enhancing the two-armed forces’ long-standing.

The Pakistani military is going to further deepen and expand their pragmatic cooperation and jointly safeguard the common interests of the two countries, as well as regional peace and stability,

The Pakistani military is going to further deepen and expand their pragmatic cooperation and jointly safeguard the common interests of the two countries, as well as regional peace and stability, Army chief’s overarching goal in this visit is to China as a major ally and partner at the center of Pakistan’s foreign policy, which is clearly visible in Southeast Asia. Joint Military exercises are a clear demonstration of the enhanced military interoperability between China and Pakistan. The two countries have been conducting joint military exercises for many years now, and the scope of these exercises has expanded over time. The two nations also conduct joint army exercises, naval exercises, and counter-terrorism exercises. These exercises, which are held annually, are aimed at enhancing the interoperability and cooperation between the air forces of Pakistan and China. The exercise involves various activities, including joint air drills, aerial refueling, and combat planning. The two countries have increased the frequency of joint military exercises, which are becoming more complex and interoperable. They are also sharing equipment and engaging in more sophisticated joint exercises.

The enhanced military interoperability between China and Pakistan has significant implications for regional security. The two nations share a common interest in maintaining stability in the region, particularly in Afghanistan.

The enhanced military interoperability between China and Pakistan has significant implications for regional security. The two nations share a common interest in maintaining stability in the region, particularly in Afghanistan. The cooperation between China and Pakistan in this regard is essential for promoting stability and peace in the region.

The cooperation between China and Pakistan in the military sphere is not limited to joint exercises only. The two nations have also been cooperating on defense production and technology transfer. China has been a significant supplier of military hardware to Pakistan, including fighter jets, submarines, and missile systems. In addition, China has been helping Pakistan in the development of its indigenous defense industry, which includes the establishment of joint production facilities for the manufacture of fighter jets and other military equipment. Increasingly compatible arms supply chains and networked communications systems allow these countries to aggregate their defense capabilities. The geostrategic and economic challenges presented by China’s rise also point to the need for a technological coalition. China’s efforts to overtake the world’s most advanced industrial economies have led the CCP to build “national champions” in key technology areas such as semiconductors, robotics, and information technology. As part of its Made in China 2025 plan. The world has focused primarily on 5G networking, there are a number of other advanced technologies such as artificial intelligence (AI) and machine learning, automation, and biotechnology that will be critical to the industries of the future. China being a pioneer in these, Pakistan can massively benefit from these ventures while strengthening its technological coalition with China.

The cooperation between China and Pakistan in the military sphere is not without its challenges, however. Both countries are facing increasing pressure from the United States, which sees their cooperation as a threat to its interests in the region. The United States has been critical of China’s military expansion and has accused Pakistan of providing a safe haven to terrorist groups.

China is Pakistan’s core ally among the few arrayed network of security partners.  Pakistan is seeking out potential areas of cooperation with both of its partners while keeping guard rails in its US-Chinese relations to avoid unnecessary escalations on either side, more so by remaining equidistance between Washington and Beijing.

From Pakistan’s perspective, preserving a favorable balance of power between the US and China is necessary to prevail in the global competitive environment. And if the balance shows promise then Pakistan can capitalize on its relationship with both of its partners. China is Pakistan’s core ally among the few arrayed network of security partners.  Pakistan is seeking out potential areas of cooperation with both of its partners while keeping guard rails in its US-Chinese relations to avoid unnecessary escalations on either side, more so by remaining equidistance between Washington and Beijing.

Despite the challenges, the military cooperation between China and Pakistan is likely to continue to grow in the coming years. Both countries have a shared interest in maintaining stability in the region, and their cooperation is essential for achieving that goal. The enhanced military interoperability between China and Pakistan is a testament to the strength of their strategic partnership and their commitment to working together for regional peace and stability.

In conclusion, the military interoperability between China and Pakistan has been significantly enhanced in recent years. The two nations have been working together to improve their communication, coordination, and joint operations capabilities, and this has been evident in various joint military exercises and defense production projects, and visits by Pakistan.

This article was originally published on www.eurasiareview.com

Modi’s Paradox: The Bloodshed in Kashmir and the Urgent Need for Resolution

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The advent of Narendra Modi in 2014 changed the Indian stance and policies towards Kashmir. The BJP-led government focused on how to make Kashmir an integral part of India by any possible means without considering the will and consent of the people of Kashmir. In pursuit of their policies, Modi’s government adopted tyrannical and harsh tactics. Several people embraced martyrdom and thousands went missing and countless got injured in brutal incidents initiated by BJP. The article explores the paradoxical Policies of the Modi regime which led to the bloodbath of innocent people and how the festering wound of Kashmir can be cured in order to avoid any possible major incident which may have beyond-the-border consequences.

Modi’s government changed the mainstream New Delhi’s approach toward Kashmir. The new approach only focuses on the developmental issues of Indian-held Kashmir instead of granting them freedom.

The main stance of the Indian government remained that Kashmir is an internal matter of India rather than a bilateral issue with Pakistan. Narendra Modi’s government formed a coalition government in Indian-held Kashmir with the help of the People’s Democratic Party under the leadership of Mehbooba Mufti.  This coalition ended in 2018 because the BJP government was not taking Kashmir as a bilateral problem but rather referring to Kashmir as an internal problem.

The BJP’s coalition with the local political leaders did not endorse the freedom of Kashmir on their agenda or priority list. In his every visit to the valley, Modi focused on developmental issues, not on the political solution to the Kashmir dispute. The abrogation of articles 35-A and 370 was a practical demonstration of his vicious policies which he mentioned in his political campaigns. After the revocation of these articles, waves of brutality were lashed out at innocent and unarmed people of Kashmir.

The problem can only be solved by the will of the people of Kashmir. Therefore BJP government must have to consider it as an international issue, not an internal security issue. The stakeholders like Pakistan and the people of Kashmir must be involved in the resolution of this conflict.

Modi’s Paradoxical Policies:

Narendra Modi’s led BJP won the majority seats in the 2014 general elections and formed a government in the center, but the case was not similar in Indian-occupied Kashmir where BJP had to seek a coalition for making government. The coalition was formed with the People’s Democratic Party which was successful to secure 28 seats. After coming into power with the help of a coalition, BJP announced the schemes for India illegally occupied Jammu and Kashmir (IIOJK) which were aimed at the development of the valley and other major parts of IIOJK and at winning the hearts of the people of Kashmir. The initial policy of the Modi regime was based on two components; first, through the provision of massive financial support for infrastructure, BJP has to win the confidence of the people. During his visits to IIOJK Modi always focused on the development of the region and claimed that development is the only possible way to get out of all problems. Later his speeches won the title of “development guru” for him. In his first tenure, he allocated a massive amount of INR 80,000 crore for all projects in order to facilitate the residents. Secondly, to suppress pro-separatism voices through the use of force. For the pursuit of the second policy, Modi passed the bill to give more and unquestioned powers to military forces deployed in Kashmir.

By adopting these policies Modi’s aim was to keep the local politician and pressure groups away from winning the support of local residents. When indigenous people will get facilities and on the other hand will have to face consequences for raising their voices, their support for Hurriyat (Freedom) leaders will diminish.

When it comes to the resolution Kashmir issue according to the will of the people of Kashmir, Modi’s policies become more paradoxical with his predecessors P.V Narasimha Rao and Atal Bihari Vajpayee, who was attempting to resolution on the bases of the narrative “sky is limit”. Apart from this, his predecessors hinted at the inclusion of humanity, democracy, and Kashmiri’s will in the process of conflict resolution.  But contrary to those leaders Modi-led BJP has removed the political resolution agenda from his priority list.

During his speeches and visits to IIOJK, Modi motivated the youth of Kashmir to invest their energies and time in the development of Kashmir. The third main component of Modi’s policies is to involve the young leaders so they support the developmental work of the BJP government instead of supporting local pro-separatism political parties led by Hurriyat leaders such as Yassen Malik etc. But the martyrdoms of young people for instance Burhan Wanni sparked a new inspirational wave in the youth of IIOJK.

The abrogation of articles aimed to bring investments and people from all over India to settle in Kashmir was meant to change the demographics of the region to win Kashmir if there is any possible plebiscite or referendum as envisaged in UN resolutions.

These steps were taken in August 2019 and supported by extremist leaders and institutions who think their main strength lies in the Hardcore Hindutva policies.

Finally, its hard-line stance of Modi on not involving Pakistan in the resolution process is another challenge for bringing peace to the valley. Modi strictly adheres to his stance that Kashmir is part of India so the Kashmir issue is an internal matter not a bilateral matter. The pressure and highlighting of disputes on international platforms are pressurizing the Modi-led regime to take matters to a bilateral level.

Atrocities and Tyrannies of BJP:

From the very first day, Kashmiris are facing inhumane behavior from the Indian military and governments. But In the post-2014 era, the atrocities reached an unprecedented level. On one hand, BJP is focusing on the development of Kashmir but on the other hand, putting pro-separatism leaders in jails forcefully.

The advent of the BJP is based mainly on Hindutva thinking which provides no room for other minorities to flourish. Secondly, BJP considers it necessary to treat Hurriyat leaders in a strict manner to curb voices of freedom.

On 5 August 2019, the special status of Kashmir was abrogated and IIOJK was put under siege. Nearly a million militarily personals were deployed in the valley to restrict the movement of people. Religious freedom is restricted; Muslims are not allowed to offer even Friday prayers or to attend the Muharram processions. Political leaders are declared as militant supporters. Women are being raped and girls are being deprived of education. Youth is being slaughtered on the streets. Many people lost their eye sights due to Pellet guns. Communication facilities are cut off completely. Not a single day passed in the last two years when there was no martyrdom in any house.

Conclusion:

The Question of resolution is still a challenge for both sides. Many analysts argue that Kashmir is an industry, that benefits many groups. But the festering wound of Kashmir may prove disastrous for both nuclear power states. Both neighbors must learn from the wars of the past they fought over Kashmir. The non-seriousness of Indian leadership is a big challenge in the process of resolution.

First, India has to accept the international status of the Kashmir dispute under the resolutions of the United Nations. Secondly, the will of Kashmir’s people should be given importance by including the local Hurriyat leaders in settling of dispute. Thirdly, the infrastructure for the peace process must be improved through bilateral efforts. Fourthly, back-channel diplomatic efforts should remain intact in all circumstances. Finally, the top-down approach to settling conflict must be included in the priory list for creating a healthy atmosphere of dialogues and negotiations. Finally, both India and Pakistan need to abide by UN resolutions on de-militarisation.

Modi’s regime in the post-2014 era changed the existing policies of the Indian government. These BJP-led paradoxical Policies aimed to submerge Kashmir in mainland India resulted in many humanitarian crises. Modi’s policies of development and use of force are not enough to settle the intermittent uprisings in the valley. More solid steps are needed in the hour for permanent peace in Kashmir in order to stop the bloodbath. The challenge of Kashmir can only be solved through bilateral talks by giving priority to the will of local residents of Kashmir. India needs to adopt seriousness in its policies over Kashmir. Kashmir is a flashpoint between India and Pakistan, any major incident like that of Pulwama or Uri may prove disastrous for both nuclear powers. Both sides need to sit at the table along with Hurriyat leaders for a feasible solution before it’s too late.

Pakistan’s Counterterror Operation 2023: A Mission for Preserving Peace and Prosperity in the Country

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US hasty withdrawal from Afghanistan has raised various questions on the security of the entire South Asian region, where Pakistan has been recognized internationally as one of the most active nations in fighting against terrorism.

Pakistan, a frontline state in the US-led global war on terror, always remained cautious about the political developments of Afghanistan while visualizing a stable and peaceful Afghanistan in its neighbourhood.

The withdrawal of US forces from Afghanistan and the emergence of the Taliban as the result of the Doha Peace Agreement 2020 let Pakistan again witness the emergence of clandestine terrorist networks across the Pakistan-Afghanistan border. According to the deal signed between the representatives of the Taliban and the US government, the American decision to end its Afghanistan-specific counterterror campaign jeopardized the security of Pakistan, and it has started pushing Pakistan toward critical circumstances in which the potential resurgence of the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) dragged the attentions of Pakistan government towards the resuming of its counterterror operations across the country. To avoid the worse impacts of terrorism on the peace and prosperity of the Pakistani nation, the government of Pakistan has accepted the need for a military operation to eliminate the reemergence of TTP, a banned terrorist outfit founded in 2007. The clandestine activities of TTP across the Pak-Afghan border have already caused significant damage to the cooperative bilateral ties between Kabul and Islamabad despite having a number of cultural and ideological commonalities between Afghan and Pakistani societies. The terrorist activities have a brief history of keeping the government of Pakistan engaged in various indigenous counterterror operations in response to the solid ideological connections of TTP with its covertly functioning like-minded groups along the Afghanistan-Pakistan border. This banned outfit primarily aimed to sabotage the peace and prosperity of Balochistan and the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) provinces of Pakistan.

While constructing its collaborative connections with other banned outfits across the border, the TTP aims to undermine Pakistan’s emerging role in its home region while declaring it internationally a vulnerable destination for major economic investments. Moreover, attacks on foreign nationals in different parts of Pakistan have validated the involvement of foreign elements in the domestic affairs of Pakistan, which is primarily designed to damage the country’s soft image in the world. This situation has already posed serious challenges to the scope of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in Pakistan.

The present wave of TTP’s emergences in the Balochistan and KP provinces has confirmed the foreign support to this terrorist outfit for continuing its activities in Pakistan.

The increasing connection of TTP in Balochistan is due to the emerging role of Balochistan in the economy of Pakistan. In addition to the various reports of independent research institutions, the formal positions of Pakistani authorities have confirmed the Indian involvement in empowering TTP to execute its terrorist activities in Pakistan. The Indian backing, in the form of economic and strategic assistance to this group, enabled it to carry out its mission of striking civilian and military targets in the country. In this way, the Indian involvement in Pakistan’s domestic affairs, from Afghan land, is primarily targeting the scope of peace and stability in Pakistan parallel to stigmatizing the national image of Pakistan in the world. In response to this situation, the government of Pakistan has decided to launch a counterterror operation and has given up the option of dialogues. The responses of the Pakistan military to the emerging terrorist incidents of TTP in Peshawar and Sawat and the demands of local people from mainstream affected areas to protect them from the emerging threats of terrorism dragged the attention of the whole nation towards the menace of terrorism again.

Apart from the ongoing political tussle between two political parties in the domestic politics of Pakistan, the consensus of whole nations on the counterterror mission of the government and the appreciable performance of armed forces in the mainstream anti-terror operations has communicated to the whole international community the seriousness of Pakistan in addressing the issue of terrorism. As mentioned by top military officials of the country, the Armed Forces of Pakistan has started a counterterror operation across the board without any distinction because the counterterror operation of the military is strict to its objective of eliminating the menace of terrorism from the country as per the aspirations of the people of Pakistan. Keeping in mind previous efforts of Pakistan in eradicating the threats of terrorism from its soil, it can be said that Pakistan’s contemporary counterterror campaign will let Pakistan’s armed forces efficiently overcome the present wave of TTP’s emergence.

The recent history of Pakistan’s armed forces in fighting terrorism cannot be ignored in this regard due to the fact that the Pakistani nation has already paid a heavy price for initiating its counterterror operations across the country and creating a terror-free Pakistani nation.

Therefore, the current military operation for creating a terror-free Pakistan is a greater mission of Pakistan which is aimed to eradicate terrorism from Pakistani soil, parallel to creating a peaceful and stable Pakistan. A peaceful and stable Pakistan could ensure the prosperity of the whole nation. To widen the scope of its counterterror operations at the regional level, the government of Pakistan has several times highlighted the need for joint efforts in fighting against terrorism in the South Asian region. In this way, the government of Pakistan has a clear vision for various counterterror measures beyond its contemporary unilateral standing on the issue of terrorism across the Pak-Afghan border.

Battling Mob-Politics in Pakistan: The Menace Threatening Democracy after Imran Khan’s Arrest

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PC. VOA

Pakistan’s democracy is threatened as violence rears its ugly head again. The country’s political climate has been marred by controversy and conflict for many years, but the events of May 9th, 2023, have brought it to a new level of instability. The sounds of shattering glass and the blazing roar of flames filled the air as Imran Khan was taken into custody by the Rangers, a paramilitary force under the authority of the National Accountability Bureau (NAB). The arrest was declared legal by Islamabad high court.

In the wake of Imran Khan’s arrest, his supporters erupted into a frenzy of activity, causing damage to military buildings and setting them ablaze. Several incidents took place, including the burning of the house of Lahore’s Corps Commander, Askari Plaza Lahore, PMLN Secretariat Lahore, motorway Swat, a PAF base in Mianwali, where even a dummy plane was set on fire and many other state buildings.

The PTI supporters attacked and stoned the Army officers and attacked the police. The violence rose as they vandalised Peshawar Cantonment and the KP provincial assembly.

This is not a peaceful political demonstration but a horrendous display of unrestrained aggression that defies all explanation.

Political arrests are expected in Pakistan. One must remember how Imran Khan held all his political opponents in continuous detention by hooking them into false cases and politically victimising them. In the past, political leaders have faced similar situations and dealt with them peacefully, preserving democracy and establishing their innocence through the legal process. Today marks a new chapter in history as, for the first time since the creation of Pakistan, a Corps Commander’s house was vandalised and set ablaze, leaving a damaging image in the international media. The absence of law and order, as witnessed today with the vandalisation and arson of a corps commander’s house, shatters the very foundation of our nation and leaves a devastating image in the eyes of the world. It is a bitter pill to swallow that our own state appears powerless in the face of chaos and destruction, handing victory to those seeking to tarnish Pakistan’s reputation and give India a reason to gloat in the media.

These violent protests following the arrest of Imran Khan raise serious concerns about the stability of Pakistan and the spread of fascism, both on the streets, and in the digital world. In addition, PTI must face the state’s criticism for disregarding the rule of law, democracy, and national security, escaping its past attack on PTV in 2014. However, it is essential to consider all sides of the story and the situation’s complexities.

Nonetheless, the spread of digital fascism, where political ideology is used to justify violence and aggression online, adds another layer of concern about how today’s digital media is instrumentalised to incite violence in Pakistan. Eventually, the government was compelled to take down social media today.

The way digital media is used to incite violence after Imran Khan’s arrest has become a matter of national security. As per sky news, the military officers were ordered to stay in the unit and on low profile because of the violent crowd charged by igniting social media posts.  PTI activists successfully spread false information, intimidated the state institutions, and controlled the false narrative that Imran Khan was illegally arrested. By exploiting political ideology to perpetuate censorship, aggression, and manipulation online, their tactic resulted in widespread violence in the country. Because Fascism uses political ideology to justify violent and destructive actions against the state, it is essential to recognise and prevent its spread to preserve democracy, as fascism and democracy cannot coexist.

Therefore, today’s situation in Pakistan raises questions beyond the state’s control spread of fascism. It is essential to consider all perspectives and address any attempts to undermine democratic values, both in the physical and digital realms. There is a global consensus that the rise of fascism has been a persistent threat to democracy and human rights throughout history. In the early 20th century, leaders like Italy’s Benito Mussolini and Germany’s Adolf Hitler emerged as prominent figures in the fascist movement. Today, fascist political parties exist in various countries, including Greece’s Golden Dawn, Hungary’s Jobbik, and France’s National Front. These parties have been accused of promoting xenophobic and racist ideologies, using hate speech, and engaging in violent activities. The desire for power and control, a sense of crisis or threat to the nation, and the manipulation of public opinion through fear and insecurity can all contribute to the rise of fascism.

However, it’s important to note that populism can also be a force for democracy, as it can mobilise ordinary people and challenge the power of elites.

To prevent the rise of fascism, it is crucial to evaluate political leaders and parties based on evidence and avoid making unsupported claims or generalizations.

In South Asia, including Pakistan and India, fascism threatens democracy and human rights. To protect these values, it is necessary to identify the characteristics of fascism, promote media literacy and critical thinking, strengthen democratic institutions, and support civil society organizations.

Last week, the world witnessed India’s foreign minister’s aggressive behaviour towards Pakistan’s foreign minister Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, who was also subjected to trolling by Pakistan’s PTI party.

Political parties in South Asia, including the BJP in India and the PTI in Pakistan, require extensive and unbiased study to understand their ideologies and actions.

It must be concerning for all political parties how PTI has invested heavily in social media campaigns to promote its message and intimidate its opponents, using bots and fake accounts to spread false information and attack their opponents. I am also their victim. They falsely accused me of endangering Imran Khan’s life on Twitter recently. This was part of a more extensive campaign in March, where they spread false claims about my support for state brutality and authoritarianism through over 150,000 tweets. This campaign endangered my life and intimidated those associated with me, leading to the deactivation of their Twitter accounts. I was forced to seek help from the police and file criminal cases of harassment and defamation. PTI’s actions highlight the dangerous trend of fascism in their ideology and actions, affecting me and others who have been falsely accused and intimidated. It remains a concern for our well-being until action is taken to stop it. The attacks by PTI are not limited to journalists and political opponents but also senior military and police officers. Imran Khan kept accusing General Faisal Naseer, and PTI accounts circulated photos of his family on social media today. Last month, Imran’s nephew shared a judge’s image on social media, causing the judge to feel so intimidated that he sought a transfer. Yet, the state of Pakistan has failed to take action to stop this propaganda. The proliferation of these incidents highlights the dangerous trend of fascism evident in the ideology and activities of the PTI, affecting individuals and society at large. Steps must be taken to address and prevent the spread of such dangerous ideologies. The growth of the internet and social media in Pakistan highlights the need to recognise and address the challenges posed by digital fascism, especially considering today’s events. The consequences of ignoring these challenges could be devastating for the future of Pakistani democracy and the well-being of its citizens.

In conclusion, the rise of fascism in Pakistan poses a significant threat to democracy and human rights that may destroy the whole socio-political structure of Pakistan. The recent events where PTI supporters burned state buildings and the government failed to protect them highlight the issue’s urgency to save Pakistan from collapsing as a state. To tackle this issue, the Shahbaz Sharif government must take practical measures to prevent the rise of fascism and protect democracy and human rights, which is currently failing. This includes strengthening the rule of law, ensuring the sovereignty of the Parliament, strengthening the judiciary by appointing senior-most judges, tackling judicial corruption effectively, and providing security to those at risk of violence and intimidation. It is not a joke that a judge’s and a senior military officer’s family photos are shared on media. PTI Fawad’s Chaudhry openly threatens the officers and journalists of making their lists to face the consequences of dissenting with PTI. The government must also take decisive and robust action against individuals and groups who have engaged in hate speech and incited violence today and hold them accountable for their actions through proper legal channels and consequences.

Lastly, the government must support and protect us, the journalists, officers, and media outlets promoting literacy and critical thinking. This can be done through effective policing, education and awareness programs and by providing support and resources to civil society organisations that promote these values. It is never too late for the government to take action to prevent the rise of fascism and protect democracy and human rights in Pakistan. The future of democracy and human rights in Pakistan depends on the PDM government’s commitment to taking strong and decisive action against fascism.

Pakistan Zindabad!

De-Dollarization and Internationalization of the Yuan

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The dominance of the US dollar as the global reserve currency has been the subject of ongoing debate and discussion in recent years. As countries seek to reduce their dependence on the dollar, there has been increasing interest in alternative currencies, particularly the Chinese yuan. The debates around de-dollarization and yuan internationalization are complex and multifaceted, with significant implications for global economic and political relations.

De-dollarization refers to the process of reducing dependence on the US dollar in international trade and finance. There are a number of reasons why countries are seeking to de-dollarize.

De-dollarization refers to the process of reducing dependence on the US dollar in international trade and finance. There are a number of reasons why countries are seeking to de-dollarize. One key reason is the desire to reduce vulnerability to fluctuations in the value of the dollar. Another reason is the desire to reduce dependence on the US financial system and to promote greater financial autonomy.

The rise of China as a global economic power has been a significant driver of debates around de-dollarization. China has been actively promoting the use of the yuan in international trade and finance, in an effort to reduce its dependence on the dollar and to promote greater financial autonomy. This has been reflected in a range of initiatives, including the establishment of offshore yuan centers and the promotion of yuan-denominated bonds.

Yuan internationalization refers to the process of promoting the use of the yuan as a global currency. The Chinese government has been actively promoting yuan internationalization in recent years, in an effort to increase the yuan’s global influence and to reduce dependence on the dollar. The promotion of yuan internationalization has been driven by a range of factors, including the desire to increase China’s global economic and political influence, as well as the desire to promote greater financial autonomy.

There are a number of challenges and debates associated with de-dollarization and yuan internationalization. One of the key challenges is the potential impact on global financial stability.

There are a number of challenges and debates associated with de-dollarization and yuan internationalization. One of the key challenges is the potential impact on global financial stability. The dollar has long been the dominant global reserve currency, and a significant shift away from the dollar could have significant implications for global economic and financial stability. There are concerns that a sudden shift away from the dollar could lead to financial instability, particularly in countries that are heavily dependent on the dollar.

Another challenge is the potential impact on the US economy. The dollar’s status as the global reserve currency has provided significant benefits to the US economy, including access to cheap credit and lower borrowing costs. A significant shift away from the dollar could have significant implications for the US economy, particularly in terms of its ability to fund its national debt.

There are also debates around the potential benefits and risks of yuan internationalization. Proponents of yuan internationalization argue that it could lead to greater financial stability and diversity, as well as increased economic growth and development in China and other emerging economies. However, there are also concerns about the potential risks associated with yuan internationalization, including the potential for financial instability and the risk of political interference in China’s financial system.

The dominance of the dollar as the global reserve currency has provided significant political benefits to the US, including greater influence over global economic and political affairs

Another challenge is the potential impact on global political relations. The dominance of the dollar as the global reserve currency has provided significant political benefits to the US, including greater influence over global economic and political affairs. A significant shift away from the dollar could have significant implications for global political relations, particularly in terms of the balance of power between the US and other major global powers.

One of the key challenges in promoting greater financial stability and diversity is the need to address the underlying structural issues that contribute to financial instability and crises. This includes addressing issues such as income inequality, unsustainable debt levels, and regulatory failures.

In this context, the role of international financial institutions such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) will be critical. The IMF has a key role to play in promoting greater financial stability and diversity, as well as in providing support and assistance to countries seeking to reduce their dependence on the dollar and promote greater use of alternative currencies.

In addition to international financial institutions, there is also a need for greater engagement and cooperation between countries in promoting de-dollarization and yuan internationalization. This could include efforts to establish regional financial arrangements and institutions that promote greater use of alternative currencies, as well as efforts to promote greater cooperation on issues such as financial regulation and transparency.

The trade tensions between the US and China have been a significant driver of debates around de-dollarization and yuan internationalization, with some analysts suggesting that the tensions could accelerate the process of de-dollarization.

There are also debates around the potential impact of the ongoing US-China trade tensions on the promotion of de-dollarization and yuan internationalization. The trade tensions between the US and China have been a significant driver of debates around de-dollarization and yuan internationalization, with some analysts suggesting that the tensions could accelerate the process of de-dollarization.

However, there are also concerns that the trade tensions could undermine efforts to promote greater financial stability and diversity, particularly if they lead to a more fragmented and polarized global financial system. This highlights the importance of promoting greater cooperation and engagement between countries, even in the face of significant geopolitical tensions and challenges.

In conclusion, the debates around de-dollarization and yuan internationalization are multifaceted, with significant implications for economic and political relations. While there are potential benefits associated with reducing dependence on the dollar and promoting greater use of alternative currencies, there are also significant challenges and risks associated with these processes. Ultimately, the key to promoting greater financial stability, economic growth, and political autonomy lies in a coordinated and inclusive approach that takes into account the interests and concerns of all stakeholders.

Vietnam In Mekong Regional Cooperation

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Vietnamese Foreign Minister Pham Binh Minh, Prime Ministers Thongsing Thammavong of Laos, Prayuth Chan-ocha of Thailand, Li Keqiang of China, Hun Sen of Cambodia and Myanmar's Vice President Sai Mauk Kham (L-R) hold hands as they pose for pictures during Lancang-Mekong cooperation leaders' meeting in Sanya, Hainan province, China March 23, 2016. REUTERS/China Daily ATTENTION EDITORS - THIS PICTURE WAS PROVIDED BY A THIRD PARTY. THIS PICTURE IS DISTRIBUTED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED BY REUTERS, AS A SERVICE TO CLIENTS. CHINA OUT. NO COMMERCIAL OR EDITORIAL SALES IN CHINA.

Vietnam plays a key role in the Mekong region, which encompasses six countries in Southeast Asia: Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, Thailand, Myanmar, and China. The region is home to the Mekong River, which is one of the world’s largest river systems and a vital source of water, food, and energy for millions of people. The Mekong region faces a number of challenges, including poverty, inequality, environmental degradation, and political instability. Vietnam has been working to address these challenges through its role in Mekong regional cooperation.

The region is home to the Mekong River, which is one of the world’s largest river systems and a vital source of water, food, and energy for millions of people. The Mekong region faces a number of challenges, including poverty, inequality, environmental degradation, and political instability.

Mekong regional cooperation refers to the various initiatives and programs aimed at promoting economic integration, sustainable development, and regional stability in the Mekong region. The key players in Mekong regional cooperation are the six countries of the Mekong region, as well as various international organizations, such as the Asian Development Bank, the World Bank, and the United Nations.

Vietnam has been actively involved in Mekong regional cooperation since the early 1990s, when it first joined the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS) program. The GMS program is a regional cooperation initiative that aims to promote economic growth and development in the Mekong region through investments in infrastructure, trade facilitation, and human resource development.

Since joining the GMS program, Vietnam has been actively involved in a number of initiatives aimed at promoting economic integration and regional connectivity. For example, Vietnam has been working to improve the quality of its transport infrastructure, such as the Ho Chi Minh City-Phnom Penh highway, which is part of the East-West Economic Corridor that connects Vietnam with Cambodia, Laos, and Thailand.

Vietnam has also been working to promote sustainable development in the Mekong region. This has included initiatives aimed at reducing poverty and inequality, improving access to education and healthcare, and promoting environmental sustainability. For example, Vietnam has been working with other countries in the region to promote sustainable management of the Mekong River, which is facing significant environmental challenges due to climate change and human activities.

In addition to its role in the GMS program, Vietnam has also been involved in other initiatives aimed at promoting Mekong regional cooperation. For example, Vietnam has been a key player in the Mekong River Commission (MRC), which is an intergovernmental organization that aims to promote sustainable management of the Mekong River. The MRC has been working to address a range of issues, such as flood management, navigation, hydropower development, and environmental sustainability.

Vietnam has been in the Lancang-Mekong Cooperation (LMC) initiative, which was launched in 2016. The LMC is a cooperation framework that brings together the six countries of the Mekong region and China, with the aim of promoting economic growth, social progress, and environmental sustainability.

Vietnam has also been involved in the Lancang-Mekong Cooperation (LMC) initiative, which was launched in 2016. The LMC is a cooperation framework that brings together the six countries of the Mekong region and China, with the aim of promoting economic growth, social progress, and environmental sustainability. Vietnam has been actively involved in the LMC, particularly in initiatives aimed at promoting trade, investment, and infrastructure development.

One of the key challenges facing Mekong regional cooperation is the growing influence of China in the region. China has been investing heavily in infrastructure projects in the Mekong region, such as the construction of dams on the Mekong River, which has raised concerns about environmental sustainability and social impacts. China’s growing influence in the region has also raised concerns about political influence and regional stability.

Vietnam has been working to address these challenges through its role in Mekong regional cooperation. The country has been advocating for greater transparency and environmental sustainability in infrastructure development, as well as greater cooperation and coordination among the countries of the Mekong region. Vietnam has also been working to promote its own economic and strategic interests in the region, while also ensuring that the benefits of regional cooperation are shared equitably among all the countries of the region Vietnam’s role in Mekong regional cooperation is also important from a geopolitical perspective. Vietnam has been working to promote a rules-based regional order that is based on international law, respect for sovereignty, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. This has been a key element of Vietnam’s foreign policy, as the country seeks to balance its economic and strategic interests with its commitment to regional stability and cooperation.

Vietnam has also been working to promote regional security and stability in the Mekong region. This has included initiatives aimed at promoting cooperation and coordination among the countries of the region on issues such as transnational crime, terrorism, and border management. Vietnam has also been involved in initiatives aimed at promoting regional dialogue and conflict resolution, such as the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) and the ASEAN Defense Ministers’ Meeting Plus (ADMM+).

 There are also significant differences in terms of the level of development, which can make it difficult to coordinate policies and programs aimed at promoting regional integration and cooperation.

Despite these efforts, there are still significant challenges to Mekong regional cooperation. One of the key challenges is the lack of coordination and cooperation among the countries of the region. This has been a long-standing issue, as the Mekong region is characterized by diverse political systems, economic structures, and social conditions. There are also significant differences in terms of the level of development, which can make it difficult to coordinate policies and programs aimed at promoting regional integration and cooperation.

Another challenge is the lack of financial resources for Mekong regional cooperation. Many of the initiatives and programs aimed at promoting regional cooperation require significant financial resources, and there is a need for greater investment in the region from both domestic and international sources.

In addition to these challenges, there are also concerns about environmental sustainability and social impacts of infrastructure development in the Mekong region. The construction of dams and other infrastructure projects can have significant social and environmental impacts, particularly on local communities that depend on the Mekong River for their livelihoods.

Despite these challenges, Vietnam’s role in Mekong regional cooperation is critical for promoting economic integration, sustainable development, and regional stability in the Mekong region. Vietnam’s commitment to promoting a rules-based regional order, respect for sovereignty, and the peaceful settlement of disputes is an important contribution to regional security and stability. Vietnam’s experience in balancing economic and strategic interests with its commitment to regional cooperation and stability could also provide valuable lessons for other countries in the region.

In conclusion, Vietnam’s role in Mekong regional cooperation is an important element of the country’s foreign policy, as well as its efforts to promote sustainable development, regional integration, and regional stability. The Mekong region faces significant challenges, including poverty, inequality, environmental degradation, and political instability. Vietnam has been working to address these challenges through its role in the Greater Mekong Sub region program, the Mekong River Commission, the Lancang-Mekong Cooperation initiative, and other initiatives aimed at promoting economic integration, sustainable development, and regional stability. While there are still significant challenges to Mekong regional cooperation, Vietnam’s commitment to regional cooperation, stability, and a rules-based regional order is an important contribution to peace and prosperity in the region.

Syria and Iran – Strategic Trade Partnership

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Syria's President Bashar al-Assad and Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi are pictured during the signing of cooperation agreement in Damascus, Syria

Syria and Iran have had a long-standing economic relationship, including trade agreements. In recent years, Iran has provided significant financial and military support to the Syrian government. This support has included oil shipments to Syria, which has been struggling to meet its energy needs due to sanctions and damage to its own oil infrastructure.

The presidents of Iran and Syria have signed a series of long-term cooperation agreements on oil and other sectors to bolster economic ties between the two countries. Iranian delegation with Ebrahim Raisi, leading a large economic and political delegation, met Syrian counterpart, Bashar al-Assad, after landing in Syria for a two-day visit. Iran has been the main backer of al-Assad’s government since 2011 and has played an instrumental role in turning the tide of the conflict in his favor. Reconstruction efforts, Raisi called for reconstruction efforts and for Syrian refugees who fled the country’s war to return home. Economic ties The main purpose of Raisi’s visit is to strengthen economic ties and help rebuild the country after the devastating war.

The two countries recently signed a new agreement aimed at boosting their economic cooperation, including in the areas of trade and investment. The agreement covers a wide range of sectors, including energy, agriculture, and tourism. Under the agreement, Iran has pledged to invest in Syrian infrastructure projects, while Syria has agreed to provide Iran with preferential treatment in a number of economic sectors. The two countries have also reportedly discussed the possibility of establishing a joint bank to facilitate trade and investment.

The two countries recently signed a new agreement aimed at boosting their economic cooperation, including in the areas of trade and investment. The agreement covers a wide range of sectors, including energy, agriculture, and tourism

Syria and Iran have been strengthening their economic relationship in recent years through a series of trade agreements. These agreements have been driven by a range of factors, including the need for economic growth and development in both countries, as well as by the strategic and political interests of Iran and Syria in the region. One of the key trade agreements between Syria and Iran is the Memorandum of Understanding on Economic Cooperation, which was signed in 2019. The agreement includes provisions for cooperation in a range of economic sectors, including energy, transportation, agriculture, and industry. The agreement also includes provisions for the establishment of joint ventures and the exchange of technical expertise and knowledge.

Another key agreement is the Preferential Trade Agreement, which was signed in 2020. This agreement reduces tariffs on a range of goods and services between the two countries, and is expected to increase trade between Syria and Iran. The agreement is part of a broader effort to promote economic integration and cooperation between the two countries, as well as to reduce their reliance on external powers for economic growth and development.

The trade agreements between Syria and Iran are significant for a number of reasons. First, they have the potential to promote economic growth and development in both countries. Syria has been struggling with a range of economic challenges, including sanctions, conflict, and the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. Iran, meanwhile, has been struggling with its own economic challenges, including sanctions, inflation, and unemployment. The trade agreements between the two countries have the potential to address some of these challenges by promoting economic cooperation and growth.

Second, the trade agreements between Syria and Iran are significant for their strategic and political implications. Both countries are facing pressure from external powers, including the United States and Israel, which have sought to isolate and weaken them. The trade agreements between the two countries represent a challenge to this pressure, and a statement of their determination to pursue their strategic interests in the region.

Third, the trade agreements between Syria and Iran are significant for their potential impact on regional dynamics. Both countries have been involved in a number of regional conflicts, including the civil war in Syria and the conflict in Yemen. The trade agreements between the two countries have the potential to strengthen their position in these conflicts, as well as to promote greater cooperation and coordination on regional issues.

Despite the potential benefits of the trade agreements between Syria and Iran, there are also a number of challenges and concerns. One of the key challenges is the potential impact of the trade agreements on Syria’s relationship with other regional and global powers, particularly Russia and China. Both Russia and China have been involved in efforts to stabilize the political situation in Syria, and there are concerns that the trade agreements between Syria and Iran could undermine these efforts.

Another challenge is the potential impact of the trade agreements on Syria’s domestic economy. There are concerns that the trade agreements could lead to the influx of Iranian goods and services, which could undermine domestic producers and industries. There are also concerns about the potential for corruption and mismanagement in the implementation of the trade agreements, particularly given the challenges of economic governance in Syria.

There is also a need for greater dialogue and cooperation between Syria and other regional and global powers, particularly Russia and China. This could include efforts to promote greater coordination and cooperation on regional issues, as well as efforts to address concerns about the potential impact of the trade agreements on regional stability and security.

It is worth noting that both Syria and Iran are under international sanctions, which can complicate their ability to engage in foreign trade and investment. However, the two countries have continued to pursue closer economic ties despite these challenges.

Finally, there is a need for a broader discussion about the role of economic integration and cooperation in promoting peace and stability in the region. The trade agreements between Syria and Iran are just one example of the potential for economic cooperation to contribute to regional stability and development. However, there are also challenges and risks associated with economic integration, particularly in conflict-affected regions.

In order to maximize the potential benefits of economic integration and cooperation, there is a need for a coordinated and inclusive approach that prioritizes transparency, accountability, and the needs of all sectors of society. This approach should also take into account the wider regional and global context, including the role of external powers in shaping regional dynamics and the potential for economic cooperation to contribute to greater regional stability and peace.

The trade agreements between Syria and Iran represent a significant development in the economic relationship between the two countries, as well as in their strategic and political relationship in the region.

In conclusion, the trade agreements between Syria and Iran represent a significant development in the economic relationship between the two countries, as well as in their strategic and political relationship in the region. While there are a number of challenges and concerns associated with the trade agreements, there is also potential for economic cooperation to promote greater regional stability and development. The key to realizing this potential is a coordinated and inclusive approach that prioritizes transparency, accountability, and the needs of all sectors of society.