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Ukraine’s Counter-Offensive: Delayed Response?

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In the initial period of June 2023, Ukraine initiated its highly anticipated counter-offensive to reclaim its occupied territories of Donetsk, Kherson, Luhansk, and Zaporizhzhia regions.

The commencement of the offensive brought an end to a hiatus lasting several months, during which Ukraine was engaged in preparations for the offensive.

The launch occurred after Ukraine acquired the required quantity of armaments from its allies. The new tranche of weapons included Storm Shadow long-range missiles, attack drones, Leopard main battle tanks, and Bradley armored vehicles. The ongoing conflict persists, with Ukrainian forces currently engaged in hostilities against Russian forces along a sprawling front line spanning approximately 1,000 kilometers. Nevertheless, the pace of the Ukrainian operation is currently proceeding at a relatively slow rate, as acknowledged by Ukrainian President Zelenskyy, who conceded that the operation’s advancement has fallen short of initial expectations. This viewpoint was recently reiterated by Ukrainian General Zaluzhny, who posited that the situation is not merely a spectacle, but rather necessitates an increased provision of supplies to expedite the pace of operations. Nevertheless, the primary goal of the counteroffensive is to systematically weaken the robustness of Russia’s intricate fortification networks and forcefully ouster them from their fortified defensive positions. Currently, the operation in Ukraine has achieved only modest success due to the extensive fortification efforts undertaken by Russia over several months along the nearly 1000 km frontline spanning approximately 100,000 sq. km of the occupied territory.

It’s too soon to assess the counteroffensive progress and the upcoming weeks will decide the fate of the offensive, once Ukraine will deploy all the foreign-trained 36,000 troops on the battlefield.

The assault force consists of 36,000 troops is organized into nine brigades and received training from the United States and its allies. It was not part of the preliminary phase of the Counteroffensive. Moreover, the Ukrainian administration has high expectations for these brigades, as they anticipate these units to adopt the American approach to warfare and eventually succeed in their primary mission of reclaiming their occupied regions. This approach is characterized by the use of combined arms, and synchronized tactics, led by a decentralized command structure. The aforementioned approach according to Ukrainian is widely more advantageous compared to the Russian approach, which is distinguished by a highly centralized command structure.

Besides, air superiority and close air support are critical to achieve success on the battlefield but the Ukrainian military lacked air superiority that hindered its counteroffensive significantly. The Ukrainian air force has been unable to support its advancing men and machines by targeting Russian fortifications. Further, it hasn’t been able to deny the Russian air force the space over the skies of the battlefield.  However, the Ukrainian air force (Ukrf) only operates with a limited amount of 79 combat aircraft approximately. These are the old Soviet-era fighters including 20 MiG-29 Fulcrum, 30 Su-27 Flanker B for air superiority role and 5 Su-24M Fencer, and 20 Su-25 Frogfoot for ground attack role. Russian air force on the other hand has an upper hand Vis a Vis quantity and its attack helicopters are giving a tough time to Ukrainian amour.

Now comes the important question of why Ukraine has been unable to achieve rapid penetration into Russian defenses and failed to oust them. This happened because, by the conclusion of 2023, the Russian military has adopted the echelon defense strategy, which draws inspiration from the defensive tactics employed by the Soviet Union during World War II.

The defensive strategy comprises multiple layers, commencing with the implementation of Anti-tank ditches, followed by the establishment of trenches and barbed wire.

Subsequently, minefields and Dragon’s teeth are employed, culminating in the utilization of mechanized infantry as the final layer of defense. A UK intelligence report released earlier this year called it “the most extensive systems of military defensive works seen anywhere in the world for many decades.” Moreover, Marina Miron, a post-doctoral researcher affiliated with the War Studies department at King’s College London, argued that Russia currently possesses a stronger position to hold its ground and Ukrainian offensive will have to face tremendous challenges because of its layered defensives. This was because Russia had ample time to construct these defenses as Ukraine launched its counter-offensive later than sooner. Russia effectively utilize this pause and employed its old horse, BTM-3 Trenching Machine for digging 5-foot-deep trenches with half a mile per hour speed. Besides it engaged labor to work on trenches with a daily salary of more than $90 a day.

Ukrainian Counteroffensive, despite facing fierce resistance from Russians placed in fortified positions, hindrance caused by the echelon trench system and unavailability of essential air cover to advancing columns is still not out of the game. The Russian military is holding its grounds in Southern and Eastern Ukraine, and Ukraine couldn’t retake large areas. It has only been able to retake several small villages and not a single large city. The counteroffensive at the moment is rather a stalemate. However, reports coming from Ukraine indicate that the battlefield will see a new fresh wave of the counteroffensive, and the new wave will be composed of foreign-trained 36,000 troopers on which Ukraine has high hopes. So, it’s rational to say that it is not too little or too late but before passing any judgment, one has to wait for the results coming from the battlefield in upcoming weeks.

Indo-Russia war time collaboration: A Blow to Quad

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Japan-based news outlet Nikkei recently shared its custom clearance data made available by ImportGenius, an American research specialist, Exim Trade Data of India, and other sources, examining records on Russia’s imports of parts for weapons such as tanks and missiles.

In August and November 2022, the Russian NPK KBM, the Machine-Building Design Bureau responsible for missile production, bought six components for night-vision sights for ground-to-air missiles from the Indian Ministry of Defense for $150,000. The KBM had originally manufactured these parts, which are crucial for enabling missile performance in low-light and nighttime conditions, and had exported the same type of parts to India in February 2013.

The report while raising speculations on Russia’s war capability and sustainability also hints at plausible ways whereby other states continue to assist Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, in one way or the other putting so-called Western ambitions of Ukraine liberation to hang in balance.

New economic sanctions, brain drain, component shortages, and work stoppages imposed since the start of the war in Ukraine in 2022 have significantly constrained the Russian defense industry. Russian intelligence agencies now spend time and effort on sourcing components, sometimes settling on inferior or defective substitutes. Under these circumstances, buybacks of exported equipment make it possible to keep relevance in the war while upgrading older weapons in Russia’s arsenal and sending them into battle.

Despite USA’s hegemony being put to the test in the Ukraine invasion, it has not been able to convince India to significantly decrease its dependence on Russia’s armaments since totally ending it is not an option-or other kind of exports from the country. India rather had maneuvered to move ahead of its long-standing bilateral defense relations with Russia, complicating the regime in its strategic ambitions in Ukraine.

China, by default, becomes a benefactor with QUAD being put to high stakes ostensibly. Quad, otherwise referred to as Quadrilateral Security Dialogue as a grouping of four ‘China problem’ states has been formulated with the very core of sending China on furlough, at least in the Indo-Pacific region. India and Japan’s contiguity as well as acrimonious relations with Chin make them a natural stakeholders in the grouping.

Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin met just days before Russia invaded Ukraine and announced their ‘no-limit’ partnership. Just as the European Union led by the USA, imposed economic sanctions on Russia and vowed to decrease their energy imports from Russia by two-thirds or $100 billion-although European Union still made $135 billion worth of energy imports from the country in 2022-China hopped into benefit Russia both politically and economically.

Measured by value, Russia’s pipeline gas exports to China increased twice in 2022, while its Liquefied Natural Gas exports more than doubled. China also increased its volume of Russian coal by 20%.

Since China is highly dependent on imported energy products, cheap Russian energy facilities mean supporting its economy and improving China’s competitive position in world markets.

India is also equally benefiting from the war in Ukraine. Russian crude accounted for about 40% of Indian crude oil imports of May, Reuter reports. But this painstakingly high share of Russian imports highly disrupts the Quad’s equation in China’s favor. This is primarily because the more Russia benefits economically or militarily, the more sustained would be its war standing and hence the more prolonged the invasion in Ukraine.

In other words, it implies that not only is India violating International humanitarian laws, but it is also actively assisting the rise of its proclaimed adversary, thus undermining the purpose and stature of structures like Quad, which specifically aim to prevent any such shift of China becoming a hegemonic power.

USA’s buck-passing in this case is failing in the Indo-Pacific specifically it is doubtful for India to detach from Russia when more than 45% of its defense imports worth $13 billion come from the latter.

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine is a litmus test for the USA lead liberal world order. With China’s ostensible backing, the socialism of the two states seems to have joined hands. Russia’s successes also reap gains for socialism, at least in the domains of values and principles.

With the International condemnation of Russia and the rise of China, European states are increasingly bending towards China as evident from recent trips made by German Chancellor Olaf Schulz and France’s President Emmanuel Macron. Airspace-European aircraft manufacturer- also announce the opening of an assembly line in China during Macron’s visit to China. In other terms, the war in Ukraine is reaping gains for China, and states in the USA block are assisting the rise of the latter to this tune, in one way or the other. QUAD is ultimately going to shatter.

Seeking Common Ground and The Journey Towards Peace in Azerbaijan and Armenia

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The conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia over the Nagorno-Karabakh region has been a longstanding issue since the collapse of the Soviet Union. It has resulted in two wars, displacements, and significant loss of life. However, recent developments have raised hopes for a potential peace agreement between the two nations. It’s essential to delve into the progress made, the challenges faced, and the prospects for lasting peace between Azerbaijan and Armenia.

In recent times, there have been significant efforts to find a resolution to the conflict. Russian President Vladimir Putin has expressed optimism about a settlement between Azerbaijan and Armenia, and progress has been made towards a settlement based on mutual recognition of territorial integrity. U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken has also acknowledged tangible progress in peace talks held in Washington. Moreover, there is a possibility of signing a peace deal between Armenia and Azerbaijan by the end of 2023, supported by Russia, the United States, and the European Union.

Despite the progress, several challenges and roadblocks persist. The issue of Nagorno-Karabakh, an Armenian-populated enclave within Azerbaijan, remains a contentious point.

The rights and security of ethnic Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh need to be addressed to ensure a sustainable peace agreement. Additionally, both countries have different positions on key issues, such as the demarcation of borders and the return of prisoners. These divergent viewpoints pose significant challenges to reaching a comprehensive peace agreement.

International actors, including Russia, the United States, and the European Union, have played important roles in facilitating peace talks and negotiations. Russia, in particular, has acted as a broker in the conflict and has advocated for a leading role in resolving the dispute. However, the United States and the European Union have also supported peace efforts, emphasizing the need for a peaceful environment in the region. The involvement of multiple actors reflects the complexity and geopolitical importance of the conflict.

Despite the challenges, there is hope for lasting peace between Azerbaijan and Armenia. The recent progress made in peace talks indicates a willingness from both sides to find a resolution.

The upcoming meeting involving European Council President Charles Michel, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev is a significant step forward and an opportunity to further advance the peace process.

The conflict has had a profound impact on the political landscape of Azerbaijan and Armenia. In Armenia, the aftermath of the war and the perceived failure to protect Armenian interests led to domestic instability and the possibility of snap elections in early 2021. Azerbaijan, on the other hand, experienced political stability following its territorial gains in the 2020 war but faces ongoing security threats beyond the conflict zone. The resolution of the conflict and the establishment of lasting peace would likely have a transformative effect on the political dynamics in both countries, fostering stability and opening opportunities for regional cooperation.

The protracted conflict has had adverse effects on the economies of Azerbaijan and Armenia. The destruction of infrastructure, displacement of populations, and the diversion of resources to military expenditures have hindered economic development in the region. A peaceful resolution would create favorable conditions for economic recovery, reconstruction, and investment, allowing both countries to unlock their economic potentials. The resolution of the conflict would facilitate the reopening of transport and trade routes, enhancing regional connectivity and cooperation.

The conflict has had significant implications for security in the South Caucasus region. The unresolved tensions and occasional flare-ups pose a risk of renewed hostilities, which could have destabilizing effects beyond Azerbaijan and Armenia. The presence of Russian peacekeeping forces in the region, while providing temporary stability, also raises questions about long-term security arrangements and the potential impact on the geopolitical balance in the area. The international community’s involvement in peace efforts reflects the recognition of the importance of maintaining stability and security in the region.

The Azerbaijan-Armenia conflict has been a complex and protracted issue, but recent developments have shown promising signs of progress towards a peaceful resolution. Despite the challenges, the engagement of international actors and the willingness of both countries to find common ground give hope for a lasting peace agreement. The road to peace may still be long and challenging, but the hope for a better future in the region remains strong.

The Dwindled Fate: Understanding Pakistani Migrants’ Desperation.

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In a recent incident in the Ionian Sea, a fisher boat carrying around 700 immigrants sank, leaving just 104 survivors. Most on the ship were Pakistani nationals, highlighting the hopeless situations that compelled them to put their lives at risk for a better future. Pakistan encounters multiple socio-economic problems that contribute to numerous people seeking migration alternatives.

Deprivation, joblessness, and inadequate access to necessities are significant issues, particularly in remote areas. Limited economic options make it difficult for many Pakistanis to secure a regular livelihood, forcing them to explore opportunities abroad.

Political instability and security concerns worsen the situation, leaving nationals helpless. Internal conflicts, sectarian violence, and terrorism have disrupted their lives and compelled them to flee.

The lack of quality education for personal development poses considerable challenges, specifically for the youth. As a result, numerous highly competent individuals cannot secure suitable jobs, leading them to consider migration to escape unemployment and chase their aspirations. Different issues burden Pakistan’s educational system, including insufficient allowance, outdated curriculum, and a lack of resources. These limitations result in substandard schooling that fails to provide students with the essential skills for the job market. Therefore, most of Pakistan’s youth got unemployed, with limited opportunities for upward mobility.

Moreover, human smuggling networks exploit these vulnerable circumstances, manipulating the aims and aspirations of despairing people desiring a better life. These networks facilitate illegal migration, usually subjecting settlers to unsafe conditions. The lack of lawful and protected migration channels leaves people with zero or no choice but to be dependent on these networks, endangering their lives. These criminal networks prey on the distress of migrants, demanding excessive fees for their services and subjecting them to dangerous and life-taking journeys. The tragic incident in the Ionian Sea is a heartbreaking reminder of the journey numerous Pakistanis undertook in search of a more satisfactory life.

Addressing the causes of migration requires extensive actions to alleviate poverty, enhance academic options, promote gender equality, and ensure political stability and security. Pakistan must prioritize these issues, supporting sustainable growth and providing jobs and welfare programs. Financial development initiatives targeted at marginalized areas and sectors can help eradicate poverty and create new employment opportunities.

Investments in infrastructure, such as conveyance and the energy sector, can promote economic development leading to job creation.

Simultaneously, enhancing the quality of education is necessary to empower the youth and improve their career possibilities. Reforms should concentrate on updating the curriculum and providing bringing in technological resources.

Similarly, Administrations and civil community organizations should unite to challenge societal norms. By providing equal access to education and career opportunities, Pakistan can unlock the possible potential of its entire nation and mitigate the need for migration. Political stability and safety are fundamental for making an environment facilitative to financial growth and social development. Pakistan must address internal disputes, sectarian violence, and extremism to provide its citizens with safety and stability. This needs to strengthen the rule of law and law enforcement agencies, enhance intelligence abilities, and foster interfaith dialogues and work together for peace and harmony. Cooperation with global partners in intelligence sharing and counter-terrorism efforts can support combating extremist groups that threaten national and international security.

Moreover, international cooperation is required to combat human smuggling networks and establish specific ways for legal migration. Desired countries must cooperate with Pakistan to devise legal frameworks that safeguard the rights and safety of migrants. This includes setting clear and accessible pathways for legal migration, streamlining visa procedures, and enhancing cooperation in border control and migration management. International institutions, such as the United Nations and the International Organization for Migration, play a vital role in facilitating dialogue and coordination between countries to address the challenges associated with migration.

The unfortunate incident in the Ionian Sea serves as a sad reminder of the despair that drives Pakistani migrants to risk their lives in pursuit of a more promising future. By addressing the underlying causes of migration, such as poverty, unemployment, political instability, and security challenges, Pakistan can create a facilitative environment that relieves the need for its citizens to seek opportunities abroad.

International cooperation is necessary to combat human smuggling networks and establish securer migration channels.

Only through extensive efforts and joint efforts can we hope to understand and alleviate the undesirable fate that pushes Pakistani migrants towards such desperate measures.

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization: A Catalyst for Eurasian Security and Cooperation

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The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) has emerged as a vital element in the evolving Eurasian security landscape. With its expanding membership, growing influence, and comprehensive approach to cooperation, the SCO plays a significant role in shaping regional security dynamics and fostering economic integration in the Eurasian region. It’s vital to delve into the SCO’s significance, its expanding membership, its principles of cooperation, and its potential to redefine the global landscape.

The SCO has experienced substantial growth in its membership and influence since its establishment in 2001. Encompassing a quarter of global GDP, 60% of the Eurasian landmass, and half of the world’s population, the SCO has become a key player in global affairs. With the recent addition of Iran as its ninth member state, the SCO has further solidified its role as a platform for regional security and economic cooperation. This expansion demonstrates the SCO’s vitality and adaptability to the changing geopolitical landscape.

The SCO operates on the principles of mutual trust, benefit, equality, and consultation, known as the “Shanghai Spirit.” These principles guide the organization’s diplomatic endeavors and foster comprehensive cooperation among its member states. The SCO’s commitment to consultation and mutual trust allows it to transcend political, historical, and cultural differences among its member states. This approach has enabled the SCO to create a cooperative environment where countries with diverse backgrounds can come together to address shared challenges.

The SCO not only serves as a platform for regional security but also fosters economic cooperation among its member states. It has evolved from a regional organization into a trans-regional entity with nine member states, three observer states, and 14 dialogue partners.

This expansion highlights the SCO’s potential for enhancing security and stability in the Eurasian region. Moreover, the SCO’s emphasis on economic cooperation opens avenues for trade, investment, and infrastructure development, leading to shared prosperity among member states.

The SCO’s expanding influence and comprehensive approach to cooperation position it as a potential player in shaping the global landscape. Countries expressing interest in joining the SCO, irrespective of their politics, history, culture, or ideology, further illustrate its potential for transcending traditional boundaries and shaping regional and global affairs. With 40% of the world’s population and 20% of its GDP, the SCO holds great geo-economic and geopolitical potential. China, one of the founding members of the SCO, sees opportunities within the organization to advance its interests in Eurasia and actively participates in its activities. The SCO’s inclusive approach and commitment to cooperation provide a fertile ground for countries to engage in dialogue, build partnerships, and foster regional development.

While the SCO holds immense potential, it faces challenges that need to be addressed. The weakened position of Russia, exacerbated by the Russia-Ukraine conflict, poses challenges to the SCO’s trajectory and decision-making process. However, the SCO’s commitment to consultation and cooperation can help manage tensions, bridge diverging views, and promote stability in the region. China’s efforts to expand the SCO’s policy areas beyond its original focus, considering its economic slowdown, “Go West” development plan, energy security needs, and the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), are crucial for the SCO’s continued growth and influence. The SCO’s ability to adapt to changing regional and global dynamics and to address emerging security challenges will be essential for its success in the future.

The SCO has emerged as an organic element of emerging Eurasian security, with its expanding membership, comprehensive approach to cooperation, and potential to shape the global landscape. The organization’s principles of mutual trust, benefit, equality, and consultation guide its diplomatic endeavors, fostering cooperation among diverse member states. Through its platform for regional security and economic cooperation, the SCO aims to enhance security, stability, and prosperity in the Eurasian region. While challenges exist, the SCO’s commitment to dialogue and cooperation provides a foundation for managing tensions and fostering regional development. As the SCO moves forward, its ability to adapt to emerging security challenges and address the evolving needs of its member states will be crucial for its continued success as an organic element of emerging Eurasian security.

 

Reshaping Global Finance and The BRICS Currency Impact on the World Economy

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The dominance of the U.S. dollar as the world’s reserve currency has been a longstanding feature of the global economy. However, the rise of the BRICS nations (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) has prompted discussions about the potential creation of a joint currency that could challenge the hegemony of the dollar. It’s important to explore how the introduction of a BRICS currency could transform the world economy, examining the motivations behind such a move and the potential implications it may have on trade, finance, and global economic dynamics.

The BRICS nations have increasingly voiced their desire to reduce reliance on the U.S. dollar and reshape the international economic order. They perceive the dollar’s dominance as a potential vulnerability, particularly in light of geopolitical tensions and the impact of U.S. sanctions. The creation of a joint BRICS currency could serve as a means to mitigate these risks and increase economic autonomy.

The introduction of a BRICS currency could foster greater trade integration and reduce currency volatility among the member countries. Currently, fluctuations in exchange rates can hinder trade relations and introduce uncertainties for businesses. A common currency would streamline cross-border transactions, reduce transaction costs, and facilitate economic cooperation within the BRICS bloc.

By enhancing trade relations, the BRICS currency could also encourage diversification away from traditional trade partners, potentially stimulating economic growth and development.

The success of a BRICS currency would depend on its acceptance and impact on international investments. Volatility and lack of trust in a new currency may discourage investors, hindering economic growth. However, if the BRICS currency establishes stability and gains legitimacy, it could attract investments and contribute to the growth of financial markets within the member countries. Moreover, the emergence of a BRICS currency could potentially reshape global currency reserves, impacting major currencies such as the U.S. dollar, euro, and yen. This could influence U.S. monetary policy, global debt markets, and the overall state of the world economy. Effective coordination and collaboration among the BRICS countries would be crucial to ensure the stability and durability of the currency.

The BRICS currency would mark a significant shift in the global monetary landscape. While previous discussions about reducing the dominance of the U.S. dollar have not materialized, the collective economic weight of the BRICS nations carries more weight, collectively surpassing the economies of the G-7. However, the extent of support from other BRICS nations remains uncertain, and skepticism arises due to geopolitical dynamics and strategic considerations.

The success of a BRICS currency in reshaping the global monetary landscape would require strong coordination, agreement on monetary and fiscal policies, and effective collaboration among the member nations.

The BRICS currency would have significant political implications. By reducing reliance on the U.S. dollar, the BRICS nations aim to enhance their political autonomy and challenge the dominance of Western nations in international finance. The discussions surrounding the BRICS currency reflect the aspirations of these countries to reshape global affairs and coordinate policies. Moreover, the establishment of the BRICS New Development Bank and the Contingent Reserve Arrangement demonstrates the member countries’ desire to establish alternative institutions that reduce dependency on existing Western-dominated financial institutions.

It would also bring about significant economic transformations. The creation of a common currency would streamline cross-border transactions, reduce transaction costs, and foster greater trade integration within the BRICS bloc. This increased trade cooperation could lead to economic growth and development among the member countries. Additionally, a BRICS currency could serve as an attractive investment destination, attracting capital flows and stimulating economic activities within the bloc. However, the success of the BRICS currency in transforming the world economy would depend on its acceptance and stability, as volatility and lack of trust may discourage international investments. Effective coordination and collaboration among the BRICS countries would be crucial to ensure the stability and durability of the currency.

The potential creation of a BRICS currency represents a significant development in the global economy. While the dominance of the U.S. dollar as the world’s reserve currency remains strong, the BRICS nations’ desire to reduce reliance on the dollar has gained momentum. The introduction of a joint currency could foster trade integration, reduce currency volatility, and increase economic autonomy for the member countries. However, the success of a BRICS currency would depend on its acceptance, stability, and impact on international investments. Effective coordination and collaboration among the BRICS nations would be crucial in reshaping the global monetary landscape. The world closely watches the adjustments in the global economic order, as the emergence of a BRICS currency presents both opportunities and challenges for the future of the world economy.

 

 

Unleashing the Potential and How Indonesia Transcends the Sino-American AI Battlefield

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In the era of rapid technological advancement, the competition between the United States and China for AI supremacy has become increasingly prominent. The race for dominance in artificial intelligence has significant implications for global power dynamics, economic growth, and national security. While much attention has been focused on the direct confrontation between these two superpowers, it is crucial to recognize the broader implications of this battle for countries in Southeast Asia.

AI mastery has emerged as a strategic objective for nations worldwide. The transformative potential of artificial intelligence in various sectors, including healthcare, finance, and defense, has prompted governments to invest heavily in AI research and development. The Sino-American AI battle is often characterized as a competition for technological superiority. China, in particular, has demonstrated its commitment to becoming a global leader in AI, with substantial investments and government support. However, it is essential to understand that this battle extends beyond technological dominance and has far-reaching geopolitical implications.

Indonesia, as the world’s fourth most populous country and a rising economic power in Southeast Asia, holds a strategic position in the Sino-American AI battle. With its large and diverse population, Indonesia represents a valuable market and a potential source of talent for AI development. The country’s burgeoning digital economy offers tremendous opportunities for AI applications in various sectors, such as agriculture, transportation, and e-commerce. Moreover, Indonesia’s geopolitical position makes it a crucial player in regional dynamics and a potential ally for both the United States and China.

While Indonesia presents significant opportunities, it also faces several challenges in harnessing the potential of AI. One key challenge is the need for robust digital infrastructure. Reliable internet connectivity, widespread access to technology, and adequate data infrastructure are essential for the successful implementation of AI systems. Therefore, Indonesia must prioritize investments in digital infrastructure to ensure that AI can thrive across the archipelago.

Another challenge lies in addressing the digital divide within Indonesia. The country’s middle and lower classes, with lower literacy rates and limited technological capabilities, must be included in the AI revolution.

Efforts should be made to promote digital literacy and provide training programs that empower individuals to participate in the AI-driven economy. Bridging the digital divide is crucial to prevent the exacerbation of existing inequalities and ensure inclusive economic growth.

Recognizing the multifaceted nature of the Sino-American AI battle, Indonesia has an opportunity to pursue collaboration and partnerships with both the United States and China. Indonesia’s strategic position allows it to engage in mutually beneficial relationships that leverage the strengths of both superpowers. Collaborating with the United States can provide access to cutting-edge AI technologies, expertise, and investments in research and development. On the other hand, engaging with China offers access to its vast market, capital, and experience in implementing AI applications at scale.

Indonesia’s approach to the Sino-American AI battle should be centered on maximizing its own interests while avoiding entanglement in the rivalry between the superpowers. By maintaining a balanced and pragmatic approach, Indonesia can navigate the global AI landscape and reap the benefits of collaboration with both the United States and China.

AI holds tremendous potential to drive economic growth and transformation. In Indonesia, the adoption of AI technologies can enhance productivity, improve efficiency, and promote innovation across various sectors.

By leveraging AI-powered solutions, businesses can optimize their operations, automate processes, and gain valuable insights from data. This, in turn, can contribute to increased competitiveness, job creation, and the attraction of foreign investments.

Moreover, the development of AI capabilities in Indonesia can lead to the emergence of a vibrant AI ecosystem, fostering the growth of AI startups and promoting entrepreneurship. This ecosystem can drive technological innovation, create employment opportunities, and nurture a culture of innovation and collaboration.

The rapid advancement of AI technologies has significant implications for national security. AI can be leveraged in defense systems, intelligence gathering, and cybersecurity, among other areas. In the context of the Sino-American AI battle, ensuring the security of AI systems and preventing potential vulnerabilities or misuse of AI technologies becomes critical. For Indonesia, actively participating in the AI race while maintaining its national security is a delicate balancing act. The country needs to develop robust cybersecurity capabilities to safeguard its critical infrastructure, protect sensitive data, and counter potential threats arising from the deployment of AI systems. Collaborative efforts with international partners can also enhance Indonesia’s ability to address emerging security challenges in the AI domain.

Indonesia’s role in the Sino-American AI battle extends beyond being a mere battlefield. The country’s strategic position, growing digital economy, and large population make it a significant player in the global AI race. By addressing challenges related to digital infrastructure and the digital divide, Indonesia can position itself as an AI hub in Southeast Asia, driving economic growth, fostering innovation, and improving the lives of its citizens. Strategic collaboration with both the United States and China will be crucial in realizing Indonesia’s AI potential and maximizing the benefits of the global AI competition. As Indonesia navigates this landscape, it has the opportunity to shape its own AI future and emerge as a key player in the age of artificial intelligence.

 

 

A Peak into North-East India: What is Happening in Manipur?

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Since May 3, there have been numerous interethnic conflicts in the northeastern Indian state of Manipur, mostly between the Meitei and Kuki. Over 75 people have died as a result of the violence, and over 1,700 buildings, including houses of worship and other facilities, have been set on fire. Additionally, there are currently 315 aid camps housing more than 35,000 individuals, many of whom have been relocated. These figures might be increasing as the combat goes on.

The techniques India has previously used during disturbances in the Northeast or Jammu and Kashmir have been substantially imitated in the state government’s response.

This has included imposing military curfews, shutting down the internet, and sending over 17,000 soldiers and paramilitary groups with the authority to shoot anyone on sight in “extreme cases.” Even while the violence in Manipur is among the worst the state has seen in recent memory, it is not unheard of in India’s northeast, where the identities of various ethnic communities have frequently been weaponized to further the goals of a select few powerful people. Even decades after India’s independence, very little has been done to promote understanding between different communities regarding one another’s history, culture, and traditions. Any efforts towards peacebuilding in the medium- to long-term will have to take this weaponization of colonial fault lines into account.

Manipur, often known as the “Land of Jewels,” is made up of a valley that is encircled by mountains. The state is home to 39 ethnic communities that practice a variety of religions, including Christianity, Islam, Hinduism, and faiths like Sanamahi. The conflict between New Delhi and several restive areas of the Northeast continues to be centered on opposition to the manner in which Manipur was merged with India in 1949, which provided the foundation for the early stages of resistance and separatist movements.

The Indian government implemented the contentious Armed Forces Special Powers Act in 1958 to crush this opposition. The act grants the military and paramilitary organizations the broad-based authority to “maintain public order” in “disturbed areas,” which has mostly been applied to the Northeast and Jammu & Kashmir.

The central government contends that the legislation was required to maintain peace in regions where there has a history of insurgency, some of which predate India’s independence, despite criticism from rights groups and a significant lack of confidence between the state and central governments in Manipur. The central government has emphasized the danger of foreign backing for separatist movements throughout the Northeast (and elsewhere).

A number of competing claims to ethnic and communal homelands exist in the region today, and those claims are being defended by armed insurgency organizations. There are roughly 30 Kuki-armed rebel organizations, many Naga groups, and at least four valley-based armed groups in Manipur. The state saw a “war within a war” due to the development of armed organizations, which were once thought to number in the 60s.

The state became the hub of widespread gun smuggling, narcotics, and people trafficking as those with tight ties to governmental power profited from the unrest. In state elections, armed organizations frequently support candidates. Insurgent groups reportedly wrote a letter to Indian Home Minister Amit Shah in 2019 asking for a party ticket to be given to a candidate of their choosing, although the armed group later denied this. In 2022, two Kuki insurgent groups released statements supporting the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP).

Civil society organizations in Manipur emphasized that the 2022 elections were dominated by “open intimidation” from militant groups and violence throughout polling locations. Northeast politicians have reported intimidation by opposing armed groups. The result has been “democracy at gunpoint” in this vulnerable area.

The most recent violence erupted when the Manipur High Court requested the state administration to consider giving the Meitei group, Manipur’s predominant population, Scheduled Tribe status.

This status would provide protection under the Indian Constitution as well as enhanced access to perks such as protected seats in government. Manipur’s Meitei population has long sought this recognition. However, there were significant worries that such a move would exacerbate ethnic tensions, notably among the Kuki and Naga Indigenous populations. On May 3, the All-Tribal Students Union of Manipur conducted a protest rally shortly after the court’s announcement.

On the same day, reports circulated that the Anglo-Kuki War Memorial Gate had been burned down. This drove Kukis to destroy many villages in Churachanpur inhabited by Meitei groups, prompting retribution by the Meitei, who reportedly torched other places belonging to the Kuki community in the Imphal Valley districts, resulting in several casualties.

While protests were the most recent source of violence in Manipur, intra-Indigenous community tensions have been on the rise in the state for several years. For example, the current state government’s treatment of Indigenous land rights concerns has been regarded as favoring the Kuki communities, who live predominantly in the hill areas surrounding the capital valley. Efforts to survey restricted forests in the hill regions were ostensibly to limit poppy production but instead resulted in evictions in Kuki villages.

Meanwhile, another cause of concern is the current land imbalance among Indigenous tribes: Meiteis cannot purchase land in the previously stated hill regions, but Kukis and other tribal communities can.

Furthermore, the swarm of refugees following the 2021 military coup in neighboring Myanmar, particularly those from the Sagaing region, who have deep relations with the Kukis, has increased the Meitei Indigenous community’s sense of vulnerability. Though those in charge of firearms, narcotics, and politicians make the final decisions in the battle, women and children are the ones who suffer the most in both communities. The identities of several ethnic communities have been weaponized in the current war to fit the purpose of a few.

While it has been difficult to obtain credible information from Manipur, photographs and accounts from the state depict an ongoing “war zone,” with heavily armed insurgents roaming, villages arming themselves, and a severe decline in confidence between citizens, administration, and security.

Social media posts that make it through the internet blackout are frequently filled with messages of hatred, discord, and misery. Essential goods are becoming increasingly expensive, and trucks transporting food, medicine, and other necessities have become trapped. While it is unknown how the issue will play out in the medium term, two tendencies should be kept an eye on:

Possibilities for Peace: Several towns around the state and region are hosting peace and prayer gatherings, religious leaders have called for peace, and others have advocated for the formation of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Women’s organizations in northeast India have issued petitions and established “Mothers Peace Committees” in several towns.

Eliminating the current state of violence and encouraging long-term reconciliation initiatives, on the other hand, are fundamentally two distinct – albeit interconnected – goals. Any reconciliation must grapple with the legacy of bloodshed from multiple insurgencies, as well as the government’s often heavy-handed actions, which have contributed to long-term trauma within the state.

For years, the people of Manipur have suffered greatly across all communities as their rice fields have been converted into battlefields and peace has been snatched away by a few power-hungry people who have manufactured division and fostered violence.

Citizen-centered talks and involving civil society will be critical in overcoming decades of profound distrust and historical hurt that have polarized Indigenous communities across the area. Indigenous peacemaking projects, truth-telling, and forgiveness ceremonies could be a start to healing the damaged hearts and minds of communities who have lived through violence for decades. Women in peacebuilding also need to begin what will be a lengthy process of establishing responsive governance and openness in the region.

The Indian state’s response: The central authority was deafeningly silent at the commencement of the unrest. Opposition parties have accused the BJP of focusing too much on the forthcoming elections and of using silence to incite violence.

Despite the fact that the violence has been ongoing for nearly a month, India’s Home Minister Amit Shah just arrived in Manipur for a four-day visit intended at “restoring normalcy” to the state, and India’s chief of army staff has also recently visited Manipur to assess the situation. On June 1, Shah announced the formation of a judicial probe led by a former High Court judge to “investigate the violence” on behalf of the federal government. He also announced the formation of a peace committee comprised of representatives from various groups, the construction of additional fencing along the Myanmar border, and the return of an estimated 1,420 guns taken from local police since the start of the violence.

Continuous violence, on the other hand, will be a major determining factor in whether these pledges can be realized. Armed organizations continue to exploit the situation on the ground, while others have highlighted fears about cross-border strikes. Given the worries and commitments to increase border fencing, India will almost certainly need to interact with its neighbors in the region if the violence persists.

The unfortunate frenzy that has engulfed the ethnic groups residing in Manipur needs to be managed before spiraling into a more lethal set of events. The separatist movements in India have been an ongoing matter since its inception. The lack of involvement of the Indian Government along with the intolerance amongst people in Manipur has been fueling the conflict even further. International attention is on the dire need of the people of Manipur in order to salvage themselves from the futile consequences of continued unrest.

A Strategic Lens on North Korea’s Missile Launch – Impact on Asia Pacific Security

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North Korea’s missile launches have drawn significant attention from regional and global powers. The Hwasong-12 intermediate-range ballistic missile (IRBM) stands out as a notable demonstration of North Korea’s military capabilities and serves as a show of strength. Beyond the immediate impact, these missile tests have far-reaching implications for the security dynamics in the Asia Pacific region. North Korea’s Hwasong-12 IRBM represents a substantial advancement in their missile technology. It poses a significant threat to neighboring countries and the United States. The successful development and testing of the Hwasong-12 demonstrate North Korea’s progress in advancing their missile capabilities, raising concerns among regional and global powers. A strategic analysis of the missile launch delineates the broader situation of security in Asia Pacific.

North Korea’s Hwasong-12 IRBM represents a substantial advancement in their missile technology. The successful development and testing of the Hwasong-12 demonstrate North Korea’s progress in advancing their missile capabilities, raising concerns among regional and global powers.

North Korea missile launch Hwasong-12 intermediate range ballistic missile (IRBM). a show of strength to regional and global powers, and a practical need to test out new engineering and military command systems. The IRBM, traversed a significant distance after travelling roughly 800km (497 miles) and ascended to a height of 2,000km. The missile can fly up to 4,000km on a conventional trajectory and at maximum power. South Korean military believes that the intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) that North Korea previously launched was a solid-fuel missile. These ballistic missile tests could hasten South Korea’s and Japan’s efforts to increase the sharing of military intelligence on North Korea’s missile launches. Before adding the solid-fuel ballistic missile to the nation’s arsenal, Pyongyang conducts a third test, as has become normal for the military in recent years. The ballistic missile was launched by North Korea off the east coast of Japan. The joint chiefs of military of North Korean made this decision after threatening to take action in response to alleged US spy plane flights.

The missile travelled around 1,000 kilometres (621 miles) before landing into the water, according to South Korea’s military. After a 74-minute flight that reached an altitude of more than 6,000 km, the missile, according to Japan’s chief cabinet secretary, fell down roughly 250 km west of Japan’s Okushiri island. At the time it there was at a rare trilateral summit in Hawaii between the top US general, and his equivalents from South Korea and Japan. Following the meeting, which had been long anticipated, North Korea launched a missile. In order to better confront the growing threats from China and North Korea, Washington has been pressuring Seoul and Tokyo to cooperate more closely.

The ballistic missile was launched by North Korea off the east coast of Japan. The joint chiefs of military of North Korean made this decision after threatening to take action in response to alleged US spy plane flights.

The Hwasong-18 ICBM, a type of solid-fuel weapon that is more difficult to identify and intercept than the North’s other liquid-fuel ICBMs. The Hwasong-18 has previously been referred to as Kim Jong-un’s most potent nuclear weapon. The missile was reportedly launched at a high angle in an apparent effort to avoid nearby countries, according to South Korean and Japanese assessments.

This is North Korea’s 12th launch of the year. The government performed its first-ever solid-fuel ICBM test-fire in April, and in May it made an effort to launch what it referred to as its first-ever spy satellite on a new launch vehicle. North Korea’s missile launches have far-reaching implications for the security of the Asia Pacific region. The proximity of North Korea to countries like Japan and South Korea intensifies the level of threat posed by their missile program. The potential for North Korea to target major cities or military installations in these countries creates an environment of heightened tension and raises the stakes for regional security.

Additionally, the unpredictability of North Korea’s leadership and their willingness to employ aggressive military tactics further fuels concerns. The uncertainty surrounding their intentions and the potential for miscalculation increases the risks of an armed conflict in the region. The most recent launch comes after North Korea expressed vehement objections to US military actions in recent days, accusing US surveillance planes of invading its economic airspace and denouncing an American nuclear-powered cruise missile submarine’s recent visit to South Korea. Influential Kim Jong-un sister Kim Yo-jong promised “shocking” repercussions in response to US reconnaissance activity. She claimed that eight times a day, the US surveillance plane flew over the eastern EEZ of the North, prompting the North to launch warplanes to drive it away. Similar threats from North Korea have been made before regarding alleged US spying efforts, but its most recent declarations coincided with heightened hostility due to its blitz of missile tests.

Resolutions of the UN Security Council prohibit North Korea from using ballistic missile technology, including to launch satellites. North Korea has been sanctioned for its missile and nuclear weapons programmes by the security council and a number of other nations.

Strategic Neutrality: Pakistan’s Balancing Act in Great Power Rivalry

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Pakistan’s political leadership consistently reiterated the nation’s stated policy that Pakistan does not want to be sucked into any great power rivalry. Foreign Minister Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari during his four-day visit to Japan highlighted and reaffirmed Pakistan’s policy of not subscribing to bloc politics. He said, “As a developing country facing serious economic and environmental challenges, Pakistan has no time for the Cold-War styled bloc politics that appears to be making a comeback”. Before Foreign Minister’s visit, Minister of State Hina Rabbani Khar had already made a similar statement during a notable interview with Washington-based news outlet Politico. She insisted that Pakistan does not want the added “headache” of a new Cold War between China and the United States.

By rejecting the entrapment of bloc politics, Islamabad sets itself apart from the escalating rivalry between the US and China. Moreover, this stance suits Pakistan to maintain a balanced approach, while avoiding unnecessary entanglements that might jeopardize its national interests.

At present, Pakistan is trying to sustain and nurture mutually beneficial relationships with both the US and China. However, the growing competition between these two global powers, coupled with the bipartisan opposition towards China in the US, has presented a precarious situation for Pakistan. An all-out rupture between the two powers will negatively impact Pakistan. A recent statement from the Defense Minister Khawaja Asif serves as an acknowledgment that Pakistan finds itself in a difficult position, striving to maintain equilibrium and navigate the complexities of the rivalry. He stated that it has been very difficult for Pakistan over the last many decades to maintain a “balancing act” in its relationship with the United States and with regional powers like China.

This statement shed light on the fact that preserving national interests and avoiding becoming overly reliant on or overly aligned with either side is indeed a formidable task. Moreover, Pakistan’s recent decision to remain neutral and abstain from voting on the resolution denouncing Russian conduct in the Russia-Ukraine conflict showcases its strategic approach to avoid taking sides in international disputes. In addition to that, Pakistan’s choice to opt out of the “Democracy Summit” in Washington can also be viewed as a balancing act. By skipping the Summit, Pakistan signaled to prevent any potential strain on its longstanding friendship with China, as Taiwan was invited to participate.

Furthermore, Pakistan’s approach reflects a desire to maintain relationships with both the US and China, recognizing the realities and benefits of cooperation with each. The relationship between the US and Pakistan has been characterized as a rollercoaster journey, with its fair share of ups & downs. While facing various challenges in the form of trust deficit & unrealistic expectations both nations have managed to sustain a level of cooperation and collaboration across multiple fronts. The US remains Pakistan’s largest export destination, a crucial military partner, and has recently approved substantial equipment sales of $450 million worth to support Pakistan’s F-16 fighter jets. Moreover, the US has played a pivotal role as Pakistan’s largest economic partner, a steadfast ally in the war against terrorism, and a valuable source of support during times of crisis, such as the devastating floods in 2022. Additionally, the US assisted Pakistan in securing a recent IMF deal, underscoring the depth of collaboration in diverse fields. Indeed, it appears that both the US and Pakistan have made significant efforts to mend their relationship and have successfully resumed a positive trajectory.

On the other hand, Pakistan’s relationship with China is multifaceted, driven by a mutual desire to counter the strategic alliance between the US and India, as well as address China’s regional interests. Additionally, China has proven to be a time-tested friend of Pakistan, offering security, diplomatic, and moral support to protect Pakistan’s territorial integrity and the maintenance of a regional balance of power in South Asia. Furthermore, China has emerged as Pakistan’s primary arms supplier, playing a key role in bolstering defense capabilities. It helps Pakistan enhance its operational capabilities & military readiness. Moreover, China is positively contributing to Pakistan’s economic uplift via the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), which is valued at an estimated $62 billion. This initiative has so far received $25.4 billion in direct Chinese investment to enhance economic growth, infrastructure development, and connectivity between the two nations. In addition to that, Pakistan relies on China for consistent support in countering the asymmetrical rivalry with India and internationalizing the Kashmir issue – an aspect where the US side has not provided similar backing. These factors highlight the deepening relations between the two Asian neighbors.

The aforementioned realities highlight that Pakistan cannot afford to align itself with a single bloc and opting for a US or Chinese bloc would be a disastrous and self-destructive policy.

Pakistan should continue its policy of maintaining mutually beneficial relationships with both sides without undermining its core national interests.

If ever questioned about which side Pakistan stands on, the answer should be “On the side of national interest”. It emphasizes that Pakistan rejects the idea of subscribing to bloc politics and being entrapped in another great power rivalry.