For much of recent days, media from across the globe has focused on Venezuela. The incumbent president, Nicolas Maduro, has simply refused to resign even though he most certainly lost the July 28 elections. Although the incumbent lost heavily according to exit polls, a nontransparent election authority granted him a meager victory.
This choice may be the last stage in the South American nation’s dictatorship’s creation, but it might also be a fresh scenario wherein an authoritarian government hides a democratic movement. One of Maduro’s closest friends, The People’s Republic of China, offers him unwavering support to complete the task.
China has given Maduro a lifeline to keep in office in current circumstances when his legitimacy has been called into doubt.
China has given Maduro a lifeline to keep in office in current circumstances when his legitimacy has been called into doubt. For instance, Beijing was among the first nations Maduro visited after his dubious triumph over previous opposition candidate Henrique Capriles in 2013. While most Western Hemisphere nations were dubious about the result at the time, China chose to strengthen its bilateral ties with Venezuela to a full strategic alliance, therefore, allocating around $14 billion to guarantee Maduro’s hold on power.
Another instance occurred in 2018 when Maduro’s administration changed certain democratic policies, like impeachment of the key opposition candidates and cancellation of the registration of opposition political parties, thus winning the next presidential elections.
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The outcomes and the repercussions were exactly as in 2013. The opposition as well as the world community rejected validation of Maduro’s re-election. The Venezuelan president meanwhile had to deal with the rejection of many nations, many of which rejected the legitimacy of his administration.
Beijing has not only been providing diplomatic backing and financial aid to Venezuela in recent years, but it also provided fresh displays of allegiance and defense to Maduro’s administration.
China, however, backed its unwavering friend with diplomatic respect and financial help. Furthermore, President Xi Jinping met Maduro in Beijing in September 2018; this was a time when the Chinese leader indicated he wanted to further bilateral ties.
China has not only been providing diplomatic backing and financial aid to Venezuela in recent years, but it also provided fresh displays of allegiance and defense to Maduro’s administration. The China vetoed Juan Guaido, the former National Assembly president, at the United Nations Security Council in 2019 to stop his elevation as head of state.
Later, Beijing sent medication to Caracas throughout the epidemic. At last, Chinese authorities approved a national defense business to ship Venezuelan oil supplies to its territory, therefore enabling the Maduro regime to evade US sanctions on its oil sector.
Lately China and the Venezuelan regime have become quite tight. The bilateral relationship has improved once again since Maduro’s previous visit to Beijing in September 2023 and is now seen as an all-weather alliance. And interaction between the two sides has grown, bringing fresh players into the partnership including local governors, mid-level officials, and businesspeople.
The China vetoed Juan Guaido at the United Nations Security Council in 2019 to stop his elevation as head of state.
Beijing has also changed the way it supports Maduro’s regime politically. It supported Venezuela’s National Electoral Council in March in response to US criticism on its lack of openness and bias. Later, the spokesperson of China’s Foreign Ministry said Washington’s takeover of Citgo, a U.S.-based subsidiary of Venezuelan state oil corporation PDVSA, amounted to involvement in internal affairs of Venezuela. Beijing is clearly safeguarding its friend as well as using its influence on the Venezuelan government to offset American dominance in Latin America.
The Chinese government once again delivered a shot in the arm to its friend from South America. Beijing just took four hours to acknowledge Maduro’s win as soon as the official results of the July 28 presidential elections were revealed, despite major questions over the authenticity and objectivity of the decision. Chinese diplomacy responded not just fast but also far beyond the conventional prudence shown in past events.
Beyond the issues of suspected election fraud, however, Venezuela’s major opposition is challenging Beijing’s stance, which shows that it is ready to assist those partners who guarantee it of advancement toward reaching or preserving their national development objectives. Knowing this, Maduro is employing China’s trump card to keep turning aside the results shown at the national election.
Beijing just took four hours to acknowledge Maduro’s win as soon as the official results of the July 28 presidential elections were revealed.
Right now, after the diplomatic stances on the Venezuelan crisis have been established, it should anticipate two probable outcomes. The first is that once Maduro is able to calm the uncertainty about his contentious victory, he will once more rely on his Chinese friend for the required support to negotiate the international scene and, more importantly, to ensure the resources required for the economic survival of his nation.
Though improbable, another conceivable situation is that the Venezuelan opposition gets the election authority to acknowledge its triumph and names itself as the new administration. Should this come to pass, not only would Chinese diplomacy be revealed for its rapid recognition of Maduro, but it could also find itself in a position whereby a potential government headed by Edmundo Gonzalez Urrutia would cause Sino-Venezuelan relations to enter a fresh phase of mutual mistrust.
Maduro is employing China’s trump card to keep turning aside the results shown at the national election.
For China, this is not a minor issue as its leadership takes great care about its outside image, which has been enhanced over years by a strong defense of the noninterference principle in internal affairs of other governments.
is a member of the Association for Asian Studies (Ann Arbor), of The author is a member of the Association of Extra-European Studies (Pisa) and of the Italian Society of International History (Padua). His current research interests include the foreign policy of the People’s Republic of China and Western imperialism in China of the last Qing.