The current geopolitical environment has been gradually transforming the world into a multipolar order. Several countries based on their rising economic and political clout are aspiring to be one of the poles in this multipolar world order. India is one of those aspirants that considers itself legitimate candidate ready to assume the role of ‘global power’.
Being the most populous country of the world along with the fifth largest economy, New Delhi believes that India fulfils the criteria of a ‘global power’. Hence, it should be treated at the global level accordingly. Based on aforementioned criteria, the tone and demeanor of Indian political leadership has also changed, often dubbed as arrogant and disrespectful.
Interestingly, there is almost a consensus within Indian strategic community that India has already assumed the role of a global power. To further cement this idea, New Delhi has also announced that it is the so-called leader of the Global South, without taking into consideration that China and Pakistan are also part of Global South and both countries do not consider India as a leader.
India is one of those aspirants that considers itself legitimate candidate ready to assume the role of ‘global power’.
A careful review of the global history and emergence of global powers suggests that Indian assumption of being the ‘global power’ is nothing but an illusion, as New Delhi lacks criteria to be part of elite club of the nations.
Based on their political and economic influence along with military muscle, global powers often serve as a factor of stability in their respective regions. They also develop organizations and institutions for cooperation within their respective regions. Global powers are often perceived as mediators with an ability to minimize likelihood of armed conflicts between two states.
Similarly, global powers often create an arc of stability along their immediate neighborhood by constantly engaging with their neighboring countries – politically and economically. They have capability to influence international monetary institutions and financial governance systems. At the same time, global powers resolve their domestic armed conflicts before being acknowledged as major power at global arena.
New Delhi fulfils none of the above criteria to be considered as a ‘global power’.
No country with border conflicts with its immediate neighborhood can assume this role. India has border conflicts with Pakistan, China, and Nepal. It has a dispute with Sri Lanka over maritime boundary. The inability to resolve these territorial disputes depicts that New Delhi lacks diplomatic skills as well as necessary criteria to become a global power, thus challenging its ambitions.
The risks are as acute as a single armed conflict with any immediate neighbor of India can convert the positive economic trajectory of New Delhi into negative. Similarly, India has played an instrumental role to make the South Asian Association of Regional Cooperation (SAARC) – the only regional organization that has potential to increase intra-regional trade and cooperation – dysfunctional. SAARC could have served Indian global ambitions far better than any other regional or sub-organizations.
India does not even match with the influence and capability of regional powers such as Qatar to assume role as mediator in major armed conflicts in the world. Since 1947, India has not been able to successfully mediate any armed conflict between two states depicting its shortcomings such as lack of political will, and limited political influence. Rather becoming mediator to resolve international conflicts, India has tried to garner economic and strategic benefits out of those international conflicts.
India does not even match with the influence and capability of regional powers such as Qatar to assume role as mediator in major armed conflicts in the world.
Indian ineffectiveness as mediator and peace broker in international conflicts also indicates that New Delhi should not be considered as a credible international partner for military alliances. Hence, the idea of offering role by Western powers to New Delhi as a ‘net security provider’ in Asia Pacific seems to be flawed.
Indian political leadership is celebrating Indian standing as fifth largest economy in the world with an ambition to be elevated to third largest economy with around $5 trillion by 2026. Although it is indeed a rejoicing moment for Indian leadership, the gap between first two major economies and third largest economy presents a different picture. US and China with an estimated nominal GDP of $28 trillion and $20 trillion respectively depict that there will have roughly $15 trillion gap between the second and third largest economies of the world. The gap of per capita income between China and India further indicates that Indian economy requires a significant time to overcome domestic challenges.
Indian contributions to global political and financial institutions are also meagre. As compared to US and China that contribute 22 per cent and 16 per cent respectively at the United Nations (UN), India contributes less than 1 per cent to UN’s regular budget. India holds roughly 3 per cent voting power in World Bank and around 2.75 percent share in International Monetary Fund (IMF), making it the second-tier contributor in global financial governance institution. Hence, India has no significant role in global financial governance.
Similarly, New Delhi has declared itself as ‘Vishwa Guru’ (teacher of the world) – a veiled desire of being treated as a leader in the evolving world order. What would the ‘Vishwa Guru’ offer lessons to the world regarding handling of armed insurgencies, suppression of minorities especially Muslims, and the conflict between Meitei and Kuki in Manipur?
According to Oxfam’s inequality report of 2023, top 1 per cent of India’s population holds more than 40 per cent of the country’s total wealth.
In fact, ‘Vishwa Guru’ is facing acute socioeconomic disparity, often dubbed as ‘K-Shaped’ economy. According to Oxfam’s inequality report of 2023, top 1 per cent of India’s population holds more than 40 per cent of the country’s total wealth, while the bottom 50 per cent of the population has a share of just around 3 percent. Similarly, approximately 800 million people (about 800 million) in India are eligible to receive subsidized food grains through ration cards, which depicts acute poverty in Indian society. On technological front too, India significantly lags behind the major powers. Hence, New Delhi is relying heavily on US and EU for provision of semiconductors, biotechnology, artificial intelligence, quantum computing, robotics and advanced civil and military applications.
It is true that being the most populous country and fifth largest economy of the world, Indian economic influence and political clout has increased significantly. However, the idea of becoming global power of the world is nothing but an illusion until and unless New Delhi alters its policies towards the region, resolves territorial disputes with its immediate neighbors, and develops its capacity as a manufacturing hub of modern technologies as well as present itself as a mediator in global and regional conflicts.
Dr Khurram Abbas is Director at the India Study Centre, Institute of Strategic Studies Islamabad. He tweets @itskhurramabbas
He can be reached at directorisc@issi.org.pk