Sindh, a province rich in cultural heritage and economic potential, has been a cornerstone of Pakistan’s national identity since the country’s inception in 1947. Home to the ancient Indus Valley Civilization, Sindh’s historical significance is matched by its contemporary contributions to Pakistan’s economy, particularly through Karachi port and industrial hub.

However, sub-nationalist movements such as the Jeay Sindh Muttahida Mahaz (JSMM) led by Shafi Burfat, have periodically challenged this integration, advocating for a separate “Sindhudesh.” These movements, often amplified through social media platforms like X, portray Pakistan’s federal structure as exploitative, accusing it of marginalizing Sindh’s identity and resources. Such narratives are not only misleading but also detrimental to Sindh’s progress, as Pakistan’s federal system has demonstrably provided substantial benefits to the province, while sub-nationalist activities threaten its stability and development.

Sub-nationalist movements portray Pakistan’s federal system as exploitative, undermining Sindh’s stability and development.

Sub-nationalist groups like JSMM, founded in 2000 by Shafi Burfat, draw ideological inspiration from G.M. Syed’s Sindhudesh movement, which emerged in 1972 following Bangladesh’s secession. Burfat, operating from exile in Germany, has consistently accused Pakistan’s Punjabi-dominated military and political elite of marginalizing Sindh, Baluchistan and other regions, advocating for Sindh’s sovereignty through social media and international appeals. JSMM’s rhetoric, amplified on platforms like X, alleges economic exploitation, cultural erasure and human rights abuses, including enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings. Other groups, such as the Sindhudesh Liberation Army (SLA) and Jeay Sindh Qaumi Mahaz (JSQM), share similar goals, rejecting parliamentary politics and promoting separatism.

While these groups claim to represent Sindh’s aspirations, their actions often align with destabilizing activities. For instance, JSMM was banned by Pakistan’s Interior Ministry in 2013 for alleged involvement in province-wide violence, with its militant wing, the SLA linked to attacks. Such activities, including reported bombings and sabotage, have raised concerns about external influences, though definitive evidence of foreign funding (e.g., by India’s RAW) remains unsubstantiated in open sources. Nevertheless, consistent anti-Pakistan propaganda on social media platforms fuels division, targeting not only Sindh but also Baluchistan, KP, and the Seraiki belt, undermining national cohesion.

Contrary to sub-nationalist claims, Pakistan’s federal framework has significantly benefited Sindh across economic, infrastructural and political domains. Economically, Sindh is a vital contributor to Pakistan’s GDP, primarily through Karachi, which handles over 60% of the country’s trade via its ports. The federal government has invested heavily in Sindh’s infrastructure, notably through the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Projects like the Karachi-Lahore Motorway, Gwadar Port connectivity and energy initiatives have enhanced Sindh’s economic prospects, creating jobs and improving connectivity. For instance, CPEC’s Thar Coal Project has unlocked Sindh’s vast coal reserves, contributing to national energy security and local employment.

Pakistan’s federal framework has significantly benefited Sindh’s economy, infrastructure, and political representation.

Education and healthcare have also seen federal support. The Higher Education Commission (HEC) allocates significant funds to Sindhi universities, such as the University of Karachi and Sindh Agriculture University, fostering academic excellence. Federal health initiatives, including the Sehat Sahulat Program, provide free medical care to millions of Sindhis, addressing disparities in rural areas. Moreover, Sindh’s agricultural sector benefits from federal subsidies and irrigation projects, despite disputes over water distribution, which are being addressed through inter-provincial agreements like the 1991 Water Apportionment Accord.

Politically, Sindh enjoys robust representation in Pakistan’s governance. Mainstream parties like the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) and Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM), both rooted in Sindh have consistently held significant influence in federal and provincial governments.  PPP, led by the Bhutto-Zardari family, has governed Sindh for decades and played a central role in national politics, with leaders like Benazir Bhutto and Asif Ali Zardari serving as prime minister and president, respectively. This integration ensures Sindh’s voice is heard at the highest levels, countering claims of marginalization.

Sub-nationalist movements, while claiming to champion Sindh’s rights, pose a significant threat to its stability and prosperity. First, their rejection of parliamentary politics alienates them from mainstream democratic processes, limiting their ability to effect tangible change. Unlike PPP and MQM, which negotiate within Pakistan’s federal framework, groups like JSMM rely on divisive rhetoric and alleged violence, which destabilizes Sindh’s social fabric. The 2013 ban on JSMM and its militant wing, SLA, was justified by incidents like the 2014 Karachi bombing, where JSMM activists were implicated. Such actions not only invite state crackdowns but also deter investment and development in Sindh.

Second, sub-nationalist propaganda on social media, particularly X, exacerbates ethnic tensions. By targeting Punjab and the Pakistani military groups like JSMM foster division, undermining Sindh’s pluralistic identity which has historically embraced diverse communities, including Urdu-speaking Muhajirs. This rhetoric risks alienating Sindh’s urban middle class and youth, who benefit from federal opportunities in education and employment.

Separatist rhetoric on social media exacerbates ethnic tensions and alienates Sindh’s pluralistic society.

Third, the international appeals of leaders like Burfat, such as his calls to the United Nations for Sindhudesh’s recognition, misrepresent Sindh’s reality and invite external interference. These actions not only strain Pakistan’s sovereignty but also divert attention from genuine governance issues, such as improving local administration and infrastructure, which require cooperation with the federal government.

Historical and contemporary examples underscore the futility of separatist movements. The 1971 secession of Bangladesh, often cited by Sindhi nationalists, was driven by unique geopolitical and demographic factors absent in Sindh. Unlike East Pakistan, Sindh is geographically contiguous with Pakistan’s core, economically integrated and politically empowered through mainstream parties. Moreover, the crackdown on JSMM and related groups has led to significant human costs. Militant actions of groups like SLA exacerbate state responses, creating a vicious cycle of violence that harms ordinary Sindhis.

To counter sub-nationalist narratives, Pakistan must continue investing in Sindh’s development while addressing grievances transparently. Enhancing provincial autonomy within the federal framework, as per the 18th Amendment, can address perceptions of marginalization. Simultaneously, civil society and media should promote Sindh’s cultural and economic contributions to Pakistan, countering divisive propaganda on social media. Engaging Sindh’s youth through education and job opportunities will further undermine the appeal of separatist ideologies.

Inclusive development and provincial autonomy are key to countering divisive narratives and fostering national unity.

The sub-nationalist movements in Sindh, led by figures like Shafi Burfat, present a distorted narrative that overlooks the substantial benefits Sindh derives from Pakistan’s federal structure. From economic investments to political representation, Sindh’s integration with Pakistan has fostered progress despite challenges. Sub-nationalist activities, amplified through social media and alleged militant actions, threaten this progress, risking instability and division. By strengthening federal-provincial cooperation and promoting inclusive development, Pakistan can neutralize these narratives, ensuring Sindh remains a vibrant, integral part of the nation.

Disclaimer: The opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author. They do not represent the views, beliefs, or policies of the Stratheia.