In the modern era, the word “insurgency” has become a currency in the security lingo, frequently hitting the earflaps of people in the South Asian region, where India is also no exception. Among the several features of the post-Cold War period, there was a spurring of Marxist/Maoist insurgencies and their ilk, raging like prairie fire- in various parts of the world, including Malaysia, Thailand, Sri Lanka, the Philippines, Myanmar, and Nepal.

The Naxalbari uprising of 1967 ignited a left-wing insurgency that still resonates through the “Red Corridor.”

Within this context, the Naxalite insurgency stands as a focal point in South Asia with a compelling paradox. Viewed by some as agents of violence and destruction, they are also seen by others such as the Booker Prize winner author and activist, Arundhati Roy, as victims of systemic exploitation, large-scale displacement, and the dispossession of their lands.

While not advocating for the insurgency, Roy emphasizes the deep-rooted injustices that drive the dissent. Though not widespread, there are many for whom Naxalism symbolizes the emblem of dissent and resistance against entrenched discrimination and inequalities.

At its core, Naxalism is ideologically center-seeking, with an ultimate objective being the overthrow of the Indian government. Identified as one of India’s gravest internal security threats, the movement power hub is from the mobilization of lower castes and tribal communities across multiple states.

From addressing the challenge of secessionist movements and mitigating them through 28 states’ formation on a linguistic basis and geographical diversity, India has come a long way since its 14-state configuration. However, this Naxalite insurgency has persisted and has become India’s Achilles heel since 1967, leaving a trail of tears over destruction and loss of lives even in 2024.

Left-wing extremism, or Naxalism, had its genesis in the spring of 1967, with its genesis in the Naxalbari village of West Bengal, where peasant uprisings erupted, culminating in what is known as the ‘Naxalbari Uprising’. This movement soon spread to several states of India, forming what is now dubbed as the ‘Red Corridor’.

Socio-economic injustices, land dispossession, and marginalization of tribal and Dalit communities fuel the ongoing insurgency.

As with many insurgent movements, the Naxalbari uprising was crushed by the state in 1973, but the movement did not die down. Regroupings came over heels in the late 1970s giving rise to three factions: People’s Unity (Bihar & Jharkhand), the Maoist Communist Centre (Bihar), and the People’s War Group (Andhra Pradesh & Chhattisgarh).

The latter two groups later united to form the Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPI-M), widening their influence and keeping the insurgency alive and the cyclical pattern of violence alive through periodic reorganizations and sporadic attacks.

The factors attributable to sustaining Naxalism are multifaceted and embedded in Indian society. More than half of India’s population lives in the throes of social and economic discrimination, widespread displacement, political marginalization, and relatively poor governance in the areas engulfed by this menace.

Additionally, inadequate law and order apparatus, and external influences as promulgated by the government have added fuel to the fire. Despite these grievances, the movement largely remains restricted to certain regions and has not been able to metamorphose into a nationwide phenomenon.

Currently, the insurgency operates through an ecosystem of similar organisations, mostly active in Chhattisgarh, Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, and Kerala. The movement’s support base primarily consists of tribal communities, Dalits, and Scheduled Tribes (ST), especially Adivasis.

Naxalism also sits uncomfortably with Hindu nationalists, with the CPI (M) being highly critical of Hindu nationalist policies rooted in communalism and caste identity.

Major Naxalite factions eventually coalesced into the CPI-Maoist, which continued periodic reorganizations and attacks.

Although Naxalism has been curbed in some states, the movement appears to be rising like a phoenix, refusing to die down or wither away despite persistent state repression and rejection by the mainstream Indian political class.

The Indian state despite its aspirations of a welfare parliamentary democracy, relates more closely to a bourgeois state, continuing to grapple with the deep-seated grievances and systemic inequalities that fuel this insurgency.

Without addressing the underlying root causes of socio-economic and political issues., the Naxalite movement will remain a Sword of Damocles for India.

Disclaimer: The opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author. They do not represent the views, beliefs, or policies of the Stratheia.