More recently the Russian Far East has emerged as a zone of increased Sino-Russian cooperation in the sphere of economic relations and partnership. With the ongoing changes in the geopolitical structure in Asia-Pacific and the support of Russian President Vladimir Putin, Beijing’s urge to advance its influence over the Russian Far East is escalating.

Such Sino-Russian cooperation development demonstrates how new geopolitics inspire and reorganize cooperation between the two countries, as well as the constructive and multiple potential sources of tension for the residents of the two countries and the surrounding countries.

The Russian Far East is pivotal in Sino-Russian relations, enriched by energy cooperation, such as the Power of Siberia pipeline.

The Russian Far East is a sparsely inhabited and geographically extensive territory with large oil deposits bordering China that Moscow has considered backward for years. Even though it is endowed with a resource base in the form of oil, gas, and minerals, the region has lacked economic investments and a relevant base.

In the past, Russia has given more importance to strategic interests in the western neighborhood than the Far East region. But the events of the early 2000s have opened a fair prospect for Russia to renegotiate its post-Soviet policy toward the region as China, a rapidly emerging as lucrative global economic power and an enormous consumer of natural resources, emerged as a potential strategic partner for Russia and other member states of the SCO.

Peculiarly placed at the core of this realignment is the intensification of the China-Russia economic relationship on account of the perception of the two countries as being threatened by the ‘West’. The Russian Far East, as is rich in natural resources, is the ideal place to develop this cooperation.

As the biggest consumer of energy in the world, China has become an important outlet for Russian energy exports. The two nations established large-scale energy cooperation, including the construction of the Power of Siberia pipeline to supply Russian natural gas to China in December 2019.

It is believed that this project will greatly enhance the export of energy products from Russia to China and it is said that the Russian Far East will be the key focus of their energy relations.

China’s Belt and Road Initiative integrates the Russian Far East into global trade routes, enhancing infrastructure and connectivity.

China’s interest in the Russian Far East may also be driven by the BRI which seeks to improve infrastructure and investment connectivity for China beyond several countries in its Belt and Road plan. The Russian Far East is perceived as a crucial route in the Belt and Road Initiative since it directly connects China to the Pacific Ocean to directly export her goods and services to Eastern Europe and beyond.

Our findings state that China is investing across the region in ports, railways, roads, etc.; hence, it is raising the profile of its economic power in the region. In this way, these changes contribute to the continuing modernization necessary for Russia and establish the transport connections upon which China’s continuing globalization depends.

Putin’s support for Beijing’s endeavors to gain ascendancy in the Russian FAR has paved the way for these developments. For many years, Putin was trying to engage China and use it not only as an economic partner but also as a political one.

For this reason, Russia and China have developed a strategic partnership which has been strengthening gradually as both countries experienced increased isolation from the West, after the Crimean crisis and Russia – NATO confrontation.

This support by Beijing for Russia has made Russia not to lose its stand on the global map, particularly at the United Nations while at the same time opening wider opportunities to invest in the Chinese economy.

Putin’s strategic support has facilitated massive Chinese investments in energy, transportation, and construction in the Russian Far East.

In turn, Putin has permitted Chinese firms to massively invest in the Russian Far East, which finds itself engaged in various sectors, both extracting and constructing. China has been actively participating in the construction of the Amur River Bridge which is now a rail and road link between the Russian Federation and China.

Moreover, the Chinese investors have extended significant resources for the investment in oil and gases of the region especially in Sakhalin which is one of the important energy-producing zones of Russia.

Probably, one of the most noticeable trends refers to the growing influx of Chinese citizens into the territories of the Russian Federation in the Far Eastern District. In the last ten years, the number of Chinese people in this area has significantly increased especially in Blagoveshchensk and Heihe which are divided by the Amur River.

The Chinese migrants in Malaysia are mainly engaged in trading and business activities and construction and agriculture sectors, where they are a particular asset because of the shortage of manpower which has little or no immigration history.

While some regard such an outcome as a direct effect of the economic integration, others are concerned about the emerging Chinese influence threatening to dilute the Russian statehood and skew ethnic and business tones in the Far Eastern districts.

Cultural exchanges, Confucius Institutes, and increased migration are reshaping the socio-economic and ideological landscape of the region.

Thus, the growing impact of Beijing is not limited to investments and the ‘‘people’s fountain’’ in the form of migrant Chinese labor. China has also actively engaged in the promotion of cultural and educational exchange the two countries established the Confucius Institute and Cultural Center in the Russian Far East.

All the above efforts are geared towards projecting a positive and better image of China besides popularizing the Chinese language and culture among Russians living in China. Thus, on the one hand, Beijing is deepening economic cooperation with Russia, and on the other – expanding cultural and ideological domination in the region.

Disclaimer: The opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author. They do not represent the views, beliefs, or policies of the Stratheia.