Quetta, the capital of Balochistan, is facing a serious fuel shortage, hitting it once again, which has been troubling the city with the vicious circle of disturbances, an increase in prices, and increasing unrest among the masses. Though the scenario can be termed as a logistic or administrative debacle in its face value, in-depth analysis depicts that the fuel crunch is symptomatic of structural deficiencies in Pakistan’s most endowed part-Balochistan.

The crackdown on Iranian petrol shows how fragile Balochistan’s formal fuel network truly is.

The Current Shortage, which has paralyzed daily life across Quetta and surrounding areas drying up the smuggled Iranian petrol. The fuel available in Iran, significantly cheaper and more accessible, has been the savior of the Balochistan people over the decades. The informal supply chain, which filled the loopholes created by the formal channels, has almost disappeared as border controls become tighter and there is increased enforcement by paramilitary groups to curb smuggling under FATF requirements and economic reform. Even though this crackdown is legally and politically reasonable, it has highlighted the instability of the fuel infrastructure in Balochistan.

Unlike Punjab or Sindh, where several licensed oil marketing companies (OMCs) have a fairly efficient logistics setup, Balochistan has never been part of the formal fuel distribution system of Pakistan. The province spans nearly 44 percent of Pakistan’s landmass, but has the lowest count of petrol stations and OMC facilities among other infrastructure. The province is usually neglected by the private oil companies as they are profit-driven and hence are not interested in the province because of the large distances involved, its numerous security threats, as well as the relatively small consumer base. This made the use of informal or black-market petrol, especially Iranian petrol, not only convenient but also a matter of survival for Quetta.

The people of Quetta are facing consequences. There has been a huge hike in the black market price of petrol, and in some places the cost has risen to Rs. 300-350 per litre. The worst hits include the motorbike riders, the rickshaw drivers, and the operators of public transport, most of whom survive on the day-to-day wages. With the increasing regional pressure, the reports have corroborated that 60-70 percent of the fuel pumps in Balochistan have been shut down because of the Iranian supply being cut off, with the government denying any official shortage in Quetta. There has been an increase in transport charges, and this has hit the small traders, office workers, and students. The ripple effects are being experienced even in the whole local economy, where goods are becoming costly, and the supply chain is slow.

Uniform national pricing discourages oil marketing companies from serving distant, high-cost regions like Quetta.

The Social cost of this crisis is even more disturbing. Scenes of families stuck for hours on the roads with an empty tank are not rare anymore. Once comfortable middle-class people who can barely afford the cost of living now are being driven to the wall: some are forced to abandon their cars on the roads, others are left to be crowded at the fuel filling stations. This has involved women and children in cars stuck in this mayhem, which has depicted a worrying trend of civic misdemeanor and low standards of public services. It is not merely a nuisance, but a daily humiliation that reflects the consequences of poor governance and the indifference to the suffering of Balochistan.

This is not simply an energy issue; it is a glaring example of economic neglect. Despite the great role Balochistan plays in the national exchequer with gas fields, minerals, and a strategic trade route, Gwadar, the province still lacks basic-level investment in infrastructure, thereby making it a chronic problem. The shortage of petroleum indicates a larger inability to incorporate Balochistan into the national economy in a manner that is equally resourceful and logical.

The federal government’s price control mechanisms also fail to take regional disparities into account. Uniform pricing across Pakistan, while politically popular, has unintended consequences. Such policies deter the activities of OMCs in locations whose transport costs and supply challenges are significantly greater, such as Quetta, as they have little reason to prevail there, and instead encourage such operations in black markets. Not only does this increase regional disparity, but it also causes energy access to become geographically and privilege-dependent.

Shuttering informal supply chains without alternatives pushes already-marginalised communities into economic shock.

And of course, the new fuel crisis has underscored yet another hazardous trend in the economy, the fact that the informal economy can provide a safety net to the underdeveloped areas. Rather than establishing strong legal supply chains, the state has permitted the default institutionalization of informal channels. Closing them without an alternative source causes shock that upsets already unstable communities. As it turns out, in the case of Quetta, what can happen is a drying up of the city literally and even economically.

The federal and provincial governments should not react timely and effective manner in the short term by firefighting, but with a long-term economic vision. This incorporates encouraging oil firms to develop production in underserved areas by providing tax exemptions, subsidized transport, and infrastructural amenities. Reliance on long-haul fuel transport could also be minimized by smaller refineries nearer the border. Besides, Balochistan could use special energy corridors that could provide urban centers such as Quetta with a more regular supply.

Transparent dialogue between local communities and the government is also needed. Instead of seeing informal petrol traders as criminals, a step-by-step transition plan should be developed that formalizes segments of the supply chain as well as safeguards livelihoods. This would involve economic empathy rather than just enforcement by regulations.

Moreover, the province should accelerate the investment in other sources of energy and renewable energy sources, e.g., solar power. The decentralized solar grids would suit Balochistan due to an open space cover and availability of sunlight to enable the remote region to enjoy energy security without depending on petrol supply chains that are far away.

Energy equity for Balochistan demands incentives for legal distributors and rapid investment in local renewables.

After all, the fuel shortage in Quetta is not only an empty fuel pump story. It is a tale of exclusion, structural imbalance, and policy step-down. It is a wake-up call that economic shifts and border closures, however noble their intentions, require real changes on the ground.

Pakistan should instead begin by addressing the essential needs of the poorest, most marginalized province, so that they are not relegated to the smugglers and informal players. Infrastructure in Quetta needs something more than petrol; a place in the national roadmap of the economy that considers its contribution, as well as its burdens.

Disclaimer: The opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author. They do not represent the views, beliefs, or policies of the Stratheia.