In an age of increasingly diffuse information saturation, with digital frames moulding reality long before facts can catch up, the “narrative economy” has emerged as the building block of modern power. Countries rise now not simply by economic muscle and military power, but on the strength of their story. That has been a global race that is reshaping the very architecture of international power.

Pakistan is finally assuming the role of sovereign storyteller, breaking decades of distortion.

In this backdrop, Pakistan, a country which has long been misunderstood, caricatured, and neglected, is quietly making a significant strategic pivot. From defensive denials to offensive narrative, the government is finally assuming the role of sovereign storyteller and, in the process, breaking down the layers of distortion other people have piled on in decades past.

Pakistan was not merely misunderstood, but it was wronged historically. The image of the country post-9/11 was not so much created by its people but rather by hostile forces and irresponsible international media. For close to 20 years, Pakistan was depicted through the lens of terrorism and dysfunction; to even hint at its culture, resilience, and strategic rationality was to be patted on the head and dismissed or ignored.

What compounded this further was India’s control over the South Asian narratives. Whether in the world media, in cinema, academe, or in the diaspora lobby, India was always the frame through which Pakistan was being seen. But that monopoly is weakening. Now, Pakistan’s pivot, a necessity-driven strategy to gain narrative sovereignty, supported by digital savvy, is upending the old equilibrium.

The opportunity presented itself in April 2025, when India made an unsuccessful effort to implicate Pakistan in the Pahalgam terror incident. The plan was familiar: set off an incident, rush out a blame-the-foreigner statement, set the world’s condemnations ablaze, and then use it for a rationale for internal repression or cross-border belligerence for the base. And this time, the script unravelled.

In a matter of hours, Pakistan’s intelligence and digital fan-dangling teams presented incontrovertible proof, using open source intelligence, satellite data and forensic analysis. Independent researchers, sympathetic diplomats and watchdog journalists amplified the findings. India’s story shrank under logical scrutiny, and a version that had long been an automatic truth for both India and Pakistan, that India was the small but innocent victim and Pakistan the villainous aggressor, was turned on its head.

Digital pre-bunking and AI-based media monitoring now enable narrative deterrence at near real-time speed.

Pakistan not only escaped blame, but it also laid bare a pattern, unveiling the structure of India’s false flag apparatus. The international press, which had long been complicit in how India had framed the situation, paused, recalibrated and in many instances vacillated. The episode represented not merely a tactical victory for Pakistan but a strategic rift in India’s narrative dominance over the decades.

For years, India has worked assiduously to mould a carefully orchestrated narrative of itself as a pluralistic democracy battling extremism and has projected Pakistan as an eternal wellspring of chaos. Underneath this representation was a well of Islamophobic subtext, erasing the rise of Hindutva, the pogroms in Gujarat and Delhi, the criminal siege of Occupied Kashmir, and the institutional disenfranchisement of Indian Muslims.

Through Bollywood’s global footprint, networks of NGOs uncovered by the EU DisinfoLab, and an elaborate diaspora-led influence operation, India peddled a narrative that was Pakistan-phobic and Islamophobic and that successfully permeated think tanks, newsrooms and policy circles. But that veneer is beginning to crack.

The unveiling of organised disinformation efforts, the barbarity of the Modi regime before the full glare of international media and Pakistan emerging as a digital counterforce have all contributed to the shift. The Disaster at Pahalgam 2025 had been a turning point. Pakistan’s ability to dismantle the lie in real time, supported by solid intelligence, data and moral clarity, was the first significant loss the Indian narrative warfare suffered. It was more than just a rebuttal: It was the implosion of a decades-long perception regime. Pakistan had shown it could no longer be parodied. It could only be denied and now, increasingly, understood.

Creative industries like Coke Studio and global cultural outreach are strategic soft power assets.

At the heart of this reversal is Pakistan’s conscious incorporation of soft power into its grand strategy. The change is significant and multifaceted. At that effort’s core is the perception that soft power isn’t about decoration; it’s about narrative control. Public Perception Development is meant to protect the national image in the information space. With the inclusion of narrative warfare in military doctrine, Pakistan is treating the struggle for perception as a matter of national existence.

The most powerful tool in this new architecture is digital communication. Pakistan has, over the past five years, made heavy investments into AI-based media monitoring, sentiment analysis, OSINT research hubs and cyber diplomacy units. In the digital age, social media influencers, defence correspondents, academic voices and diaspora journalists have been transformed into a decentralised, but strategically orchestrated network. Campaigns are not reactive anymore; they are preemptive.

The idea of “pre-bunking”, addressing hostile narratives in advance of their virality, has now been systematised. Viral responses to false accusations are firewalled in minutes, not days. There is almost zero latency of information. This speed, fueled by digital weaponry, is not a matter of operational efficiency as such; it is narrative deterrence.

But soft power is more than defence. It is a projection. It is cultural reach. The country’s creative and cultural industries, long suppressed by security fears and market restrictions, are finally being recognised as strategic assets. The global rise of Coke Studio is also a case in point; blending local and modern sounds to produce a sonic identity for Pakistan that is echoed from Toronto to Istanbul.

Pakistani fashion is trending in Dubai, London, and Kuala Lumpur. Arabic, Turkish and Malay dub of the dramas are made. The music of Ali Sethi, Arooj Aftab’s Grammy and the international standing of filmmakers like Saim Sadiq and Bilal Lashari are not individual accomplishments; they are detritus of a bigger narrative: the revival of Pakistan as a cultural protagonist in the Muslim world and beyond.

At the same time, the tone of the country’s diplomatic language has changed. Pakistan is also increasingly presenting itself, not as a security state, but as a civilisation state with universal significance. Through its outreach at the UN, OIC, and regional summits, its messaging revolves around economic connectivity, digital sovereignty, climate justice and Muslim world solidarity.

The story has evolved from grievance to vision, from responding to India to reimagining Pakistan as a node in global changes. CPEC’s narrative has been framed, for instance, not simply in terms of roads and ports but embedded in the language of intra-civilizational exchange, energy partnership, and sustainable development. This reorientation is not cosmetic. It is foundational.

But then, narrative economy rewards veracity, not propaganda. Pakistan’s most significant asset in that arena is its people, particularly its young, multilingual, globally connected population. The country’s young are now digital storytellers, civic documentarians and cultural translators. Through podcasts, vlogs, photojournalism and citizen diplomacy, they’re humanising a country that has long lost its nuance. When Pakistanis tell their own stories, not state narrators, not foreign journalists, but their citizens, it becomes a believable, moving narrative that picks up momentum.

Increasingly, the view emerges that narrative power reflections must be based on performance legitimacy. You can’t sell a good story overseas if the one at home doesn’t fit. And this is where governance reform, media freedom and institutional transparency become strategic imperatives. “Platitudes should be used sparingly anyhow, not to mention in the work of an author as fine as the one you’re treating, but the national tale thrives or fails on that relationship between words and acts. For Pakistan, long-term success at narrating will depend not only on its capacity for storytelling but, crucially, its ability to implement its rhetoric in reform.

Narrative momentum must be institutionalized, regarded with seriousness equal to munitions and diplomacy.

In the era of Deepfakes, meme wars, and attention economies, information has emerged as a weapon, a currency, and a battleground. This is a story economy that rewards those who understand velocity, feeling, and organisation. Pakistan, for the first time in its recent history, is indicating that it comprehends this terrain. Fragile victories, perhaps, but victories all the same. The failure of India’s narrative hegemony, Pakistan’s global acknowledgement of its cultural voice, and the rising strategic maturity of the state also suggest an elevating soft power trajectory.

The task now is consistency. Narrative momentum must be institutionalised. Strategic communication must be regarded with the same degree of seriousness as munitions and diplomacy. Each crisis should be considered a test of narrative dexterity. All wins must be converted into perception capital for the long term. Pakistan has started to find its voice, and the world is beginning to listen. That is more than a diplomatic victory. It is a strategic transformation.

Disclaimer: The opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author. They do not represent the views, beliefs, or policies of the Stratheia.

Author

  • Khurram Haris

    The author is a prominent businessman, consultant, and financial analyst who has advised various government and private institutions in Pakistan, the GCC, the USA, the UK, and Canada.

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