“Hezbollah: A Short History” was written by Augustus Richard Norton and is one of his finest works. He was a professor of International Relations and Anthropology at Boston University. He combined his writings based on observations he had made when he was a military observer for the United Nations in Southern Lebanon when Hezbollah and Rival Shia parties were operating from there in the early 1980s.
As a former U.S. Army officer and West Point Professor, he has conducted research in Lebanon for about thirty years, and his book “Amal and the Shia” is widely considered to be a great work on the Political uprising of Lebanon’s Shia Muslims. The genre of the book is historical, telling its readers about the recent course of events that happened in the politics of Lebanon regarding Hezbollah.
Richard Norton tells how Hezbollah developed, how it has evolved, and what dimensions it might take next
The principal Argument presented by the Author in this book is that the concept that most of the policymakers in the United States and Israel have about Hezbollah (the party of GOD) is wrong. Hezbollah is not just a simple terrorist organisation, nor is it likely to disappear soon. Following Israel’s war against Hezbollah in the summer of 2006, the Shia group, which serves collective roles of militia, social service and public workers provider, and a political party, is more popular than ever in the Middle East while retaining its strong base of support in Lebanon.
In this book, one of the world’s leading experts on Hezbollah has written an essential guide to understanding the complexities and contradictions of a group that is entrenched at the heart of Middle East politics.
With remarkable clarity and authority, Richard Norton tells how Hezbollah developed, how it has evolved, and what dimensions it might take next. Far from being a one-dimensional terrorist group, Norton explains, Hezbollah is a “Janus-faced” organization in the middle of an incomplete transformation from extremism to Ordinary politics, a revolution whose outcome is far from certain.
Beginning as a terrorist instrument of Iran, Hezbollah has since transformed itself into a magnificent political party with an admiring Lebanese constituency, but it has also insisted on maintaining the strong militia that forced Israel to withdraw from Lebanon in 2000 after almost twenty years of occupation. The most accessible, informed, and balanced analysis of the group yet written, the book is essential reading for anyone who wants to understand chaos in the Middle East.
The book is divided into six chapters. The chapters are organized chronologically from the origins, pre-history, and foundation of Hezbollah to its active role in Lebanese politics and wars against Israeli forces.
The Hezbollah worldview could be easily understood by its open letter to the Downtrodden in Lebanon and the world
Modern-day Lebanon gained its independence in 1943 from France. The political system in Lebanon is divided between Maronites, Sunnis and Shia. The book tells the story of Shia Muslims in Lebanon, how their political struggle got them to power and role of Hezbollah in Shia politics of Lebanon and the rivalry with Amal. Amal was founded in the early 1970s by Musa al-Sadr as a militia adjunct to Harakat al-Mahrumin. Musa al-Sadr first came to prominence in 1969, when a Lebanese Supreme Islamic Shia Council came into existence with Imam Musa as its chairman.
In August 1978, al-Sadr left the country and flew to Italy. The Hezbollah worldview could be easily understood by its open letter to the Downtrodden in Lebanon and the world. Hezbollah was inspired by the Iranian revolution and wanted to have the same sort of movement in Lebanon under the flag of Islam. It considered both superpowers at that time, the USA and the Soviet Union, as dangerous to Muslims of Lebanon.
In Hezbollah’s worldview, mediation and compromise with Israel and the Superpowers have no place. It is also fully aware of the Syrian tactics supporting both Amal and Hezbollah for its interests in the region. Hezbollah has maintained itself as a resisting force against Israel and superpowers who have led to oppression in the Third World. However, the political structure is not devised by Hezbollah for Lebanon. Hezbollah earned very good relations with Iranians in the 1980s but saw a setback after the death of Ayatollah Khomeini.
Lebanon is a country with many Muslim and non-Muslim sects. The Shia- Sunni rivalry is also one of the major challenges to the stability of the state, and not only Sunni Shia but also different political parties just for Shi’is also have rivalries among them, either for power or influence. These parties use the religious sentiments of the public for their purpose. Hezbollah initially emerged as a representative of the southern suppressed Lebanese Shia community. Ashura is the most important event of the year for Shia Muslims, and it is not only a grassroots religious practice but a political opportunity for Both Amal and Hezbollah to show their political might.
Lebanon was a cockpit for violence and a breeding ground for terrorism in the late 1980s, but endemic violence began to ebb as the civil war ended in 1989 and 1990. In the early 1980s, Hezbollah existed less as a concrete organization than as a tool of Iran. As Hezbollah’s power increased over the years, Syria periodically tried to contain it, most dramatically, the Al-Assad regime killed 23 Hezbollah members in 1987.
Syria also aided Amal in that rival Shia organization’s violent battles with Hezbollah in 1988 and 1989. Hezbollah won increasing support among the local Shia’s by 1990. The organization had largely superseded Amal in the surrounding area of Beirut.
The USA declared Hezbollah a terrorist organisation along with Hamas because of Israeli interests
In this book, Norton argues that Hezbollah is not a terrorist organization. Its social and political work is often overseen by many states that tagged its activities as terrorism because it is a useful tactic for many states to use such terms for revolutionary parties that arose in the Middle East. The USA declared Hezbollah a terrorist organization along with Hamas because of Israeli interests. Most of the terrorist activities adjoined with Hezbollah have been carried out by Iranians. Hezbollah’s collaboration with Iran often led it to be considered as only a terrorist organization.
Hezbollah as a party has seen many ideological uncertainties. In the 1992 elections, debate started among the party leaders on electoral participation. Three questions were turned in the debate about participation in a non-Islamic governance system, practical interests, and compromise on the Islamic vision of the party by joining a secular system. The committee sat on this issue, and in the end, ten out of twelve members decided in favor of electoral participation.
The decision was submitted to Ali Khomeini for approval or final decision. Similarly, after the successful withdrawal of Israelis in 2000 from southern Lebanon, serious debate arose within the party about whether to concentrate on Lebanese politics or to maintain opposition against rivals both in Lebanon and the Middle East. The debate ended when the Iranian supreme leader advised to continue its resistance.
Hezbollah as an organization gained a lot of popularity not only among Lebanese youth but throughout many Middle Eastern states. Al-Manar television of Hezbollah viewership increased from Palestine to Iran. The organization’s role in evading Israel from southern Lebanon provoked Palestinian militants to fight on their own against Israeli forces. Hezbollah leader Nasrullah’s speeches have massive popularity among young people, kids, and women in the Middle East. Strong support for Hezbollah during and after the July 2006 war has also been from the Iraqi Shia community.
The coming years after the 2006 war have been crucial for Hezbollah’s role in Lebanon’s politics and Middle East conflicts, especially its collaboration with Iran. Hezbollah has become a rigid reality in the Lebanon political system. The way the organization reconstructs the country after the war structurally and politically defines its constructive and important role, one could hope.
Norton’s book offers a well-researched and balanced account of Hezbollah’s rise in Lebanon. With clarity and depth, he unpacks its history, ideology, and political strategy, making complex dynamics accessible to a broad audience. Through compelling analysis and vivid examples, he presents an unbiased narrative that sheds light on Hezbollah’s growing influence.
His expertise and engaging writing style make this work an essential resource for understanding Lebanon’s evolving political landscape. This book not only informs but also challenges readers to critically engage with the region’s shifting power dynamics. It is a valuable contribution to the study of Middle Eastern politics.
Disclaimer: The opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author. They do not represent the views, beliefs, or policies of the Stratheia.
