The European Union (EU) was once seen as a super power (diplomatic in nature) and one that had the ability to greatly affect foreign policies. In the years gone by, the bloc’s distinctive model of soft power diplomacy based on consensus, economic diplomacy and multilateralism provided it with a distinctive opportunity to become an important player on the international stage. However, in the recent past, the EU foreign policy seemed to be incoherent and inconsequential – most of the time, highly ineffectual.
This represents as confused and ineffective EU foreign policy machine when tensions increase across the globe – from Middle East to growing authoritarianism in Eastern Europe and China’s increasingly loud demands. Arguably, what this implies is that the EU foreign policy is in a very sad state if it needs to reassert its international power and protect its stake.
The EU multilateralism approach to foreign policy often results in making weak common positions that lose any power or sense direction on the international level due to national interests.
Another major problem of the EU in conducting its foreign policy is that the bloc is extremely divided. The union is formed by 27 member states all having their own national interests, priorities and foreign policy viewpoints.
Despite the established entity’s desire for cohesion in its external political decisions, it is rarely seen. For instance, while France aims at enhancing strategic cooperation with Russia, Germany engages in striving for a partnership with China and Africa. Hence, the EU multilateralism approach to foreign policy often results in making weak common positions that lose any power or direction sense on the international level due to national interests.
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This fragmentation was particularly noted in the EU in its management of the crises like the ongoing Ukraine war. On the one hand, the EU has resorted to sanctions on Russia and offered humanitarian and military assistance to Ukraine, on the other hand, it shows internal conflict. Some countries like Hungary have declined to support stronger measures while some other countries, including Germany, initially, did not offer to supply military equipment.
While France aims at enhancing strategic cooperation with Russia, Germany engages in striving for a partnership with China and Africa.
One can see that the EU has at its disposal the ‘soft power’ – influence through their policies, diplomacy, granting of aid, as well as the projection of democracy. However, EU’s soft power is also in decline; especially as the bloc is failing to provide an effective strategy in combating authoritarianism and new emerging threats. Hence, the EU has lost influence in critical power regions because of not having a consistent policy of how to manage with authoritarian actors like Russia, China and Turkey.
However, internal issues, including the recent rise in illiberal authorities which are members of the union, primarily Hungary and Poland, are also a serious issue, as these governments through their policies impose doubts about EU democracy. This decision of theirs has eroded EU’s moral high ground it needs to convey those values to the rest of the world. And that’s why the bloc has eroded the ability to regulate stability and development, and future in areas such as Africa and Latin America that used to enjoy the bloc’s protection on issues to do with human rights and democracy.
The EU is also aspiring to navigate through a fast emerging new geopolitical structure characterized by the return of great power contests. The emergence of China as a world superpower in the last couple of decades, the assertive foreign policies of Russia and the new political landscape of Biden’s America have put EU into a new strategic reflective mode. ‘Strategic autonomy’ has become a favorite parlance in EU foreign policy discourse and conversations, following the Biden years of American unilateralism, considered Europe’s weakness and triggered an understanding that the continent can no longer rely on the US for lead and security.
Strategic autonomy, as would be understood, therefore, conceptualizes the EU as beginning to undertake international actions on its own volition, without much assistance or direction from other actors. At present, the EU does have neither a proper defense policy, nor strong military power, and relies on NATO protection. In addition, significant divergences between EU members regarding many areas, including military expenditure, the use of force, and relations with world players, such as the United States and China, still block the path to genuine independence. Thus, until there will be improved cooperation and expenditure on defense, EU will be unable to assert itself as a single actor on the International scene where disorder increases daily.
It is high time for the EU to recall its base and fundamental principles and values like democracy, human rights and the rule of law.
For instance, as the conflict-ravaged Syria and the resultant refugee crisis emerged, the EU failed to be a serious player on the world stage and did not actively map out a clear strategy. It enabled other serious entities, such as Russia and Turkey, take EU’s place on the world stage. Likewise, in another rapidly evolving region – the Indo-Pacific where China’s power is increasing – the EU failed to offer a coherent policy at its foreign-policy birthplace and remains outside one of the most promising areas in the world.
In order to revive its overseas foreign policy, the EU needs to fix its internal affairs first. Togetherness is important for member states to appear more united through systemic challenges. This will, thus, call for increased cooperation and these member states and leaders more determined and willing to trough their political capital to get what is important to all the countries.
Secondly, there is a need to strengthen the strategic autonomy of the EU. This will also include further strengthening of military forces, deepened cooperation in security matters and ability to operate autonomously during crisis in the rest of the world. Enhanced cooperation between the EU on the one side and NATO on the other will also be necessary for Europe to be able to defend itself in the unpredictable world.
Finally, it is high time for the EU to recall its base and fundamental principles and values like democracy, human rights and the rule of law. If the EU wants to get back to the shift of global power onto itself, it needs to not only set the standards when it comes to core values but also sanction member states that breach these values.
Ph.D. completed at Scuola Superiore Sant’Anna, Pisa (SSSUP)