The upcoming Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit in Tianjin, from August 31 to September 1, 2025, presents a pivotal moment for Pakistan to assert its strategic ambitions within a swiftly evolving regional order. This iteration of SCO, hosted by China under its rotating presidency, has drawn global attention not for definitive treaties but for symbolic narrative, an overt effort to underscore multipolarity, showcase unity among non-Western powers, and offer an alternative platform to Western-dominated global governance.
“The Tianjin summit underscores multipolarity and offers an alternative to Western-dominated governance.”
With over 20 heads of state expected, including Putin, Modi, and UN Secretary-General Guterres, the Tianjin summit will revolve around three priorities: security (traditional and new threats), economic connectivity aligned with the Belt and Road Initiative, and digital transformation. Leaders will address not only terrorism but also cybersecurity, biosafety, trade facilitation, and collective digital cooperation.
Pakistan’s Prime Minister, Shehbaz Sharif, is on a weeklong visit centered around the summit, where bilateral talks with Xi Jinping and others may strengthen Sino-Pak ties. In particular, China’s foreign minister recently signaled renewed emphasis on deepening cooperation in agriculture, mining, and industrial sectors, and reaffirmed support for CPEC and Pakistan’s counterterrorism efforts.
Strategically, Pakistan stands at both opportunity and risk. On the positive side, the summit provides a high-profile stage for Islamabad to crystallize its value as a regional energy and connectivity hub, harmonize with SCO’s economic strategies, and align with China’s Eurasian vision. Post-pandemic remittance inflows and ongoing foreign credit upgrades give Pakistan a favorable external environment to elevate its economic narrative.
However, bilateral tensions, most conspicuously on terrorism, loom in the background. Reports indicate a deadlock over SCO statements referring to attacks; India has pushed for mention of the Pahalgam attack, while Pakistan insisted on including the Jaffar Express incident. This stalemate underlines persistent Indo-Pak narratives and the challenge of achieving diplomatic concurrence even within multilateral frameworks.
“Pakistan stands at both opportunity and risk, between connectivity gains and diplomatic deadlocks.”
Moreover, Pakistan must navigate the optics of the SCO’s strategic posture. The summit is as much a display of unity as one of geopolitical posturing against Western hegemony. Islamabad must balance deeper engagement without risking over-identification with Sino-Russian blocs, potentially alienating alternative partners or reinforcing perceptions of dependency.
Still, participation affords tangible benefits. Pakistan can leverage the summit to attract Chinese investment for mineral and agricultural infrastructure under CPEC’s expansion, strengthen trade corridors, and explore partnerships in digital transformation. The dual focus on economic connectivity and digital cooperation aligns with Pakistan’s own strategic initiatives, from export diversification to fintech and industrial digitization.
Success depends on diplomacy. Islamabad must emerge from Tianjin with enhanced development commitments, meaningful integration into SCO frameworks, particularly in trade and connectivity, and calibrated messaging that reflects its sovereignty priorities. At its best, the summit could deliver concrete memoranda and signaling that systemic cooperation, not rhetorical alignment, underpins Pakistan’s regional ambitions.
“Success depends on calibrated diplomacy that delivers systemic cooperation, not rhetorical alignment.”
The upcoming SCO summit offers Pakistan a moment to recalibrate its regional standing amid shifting global dynamics. It is less about grand declarations than about reinforcing strategic credibility, diversifying economic partnerships, and navigating geopolitical undercurrents deftly. In navigating the optics and opportunities of Tianjin, Pakistan has the chance to realign its trajectory within a multipolar Eurasia, so long as it stays clear-eyed about both the gains and constraints of the SCO framework.
Disclaimer: The opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author. They do not represent the views, beliefs, or policies of the Stratheia.