On 6 August, Prof Muhammad Yunus was connected by phone while he was convalescing at a hospital in Paris. The fiery student leaders requested the Nobel laureate to dash home to take charge of the revolutionary government. Initially, he was hesitant, but he was pursued and escorted to Paris Airport by an armed security team. When he landed at Dhaka, tens of thousands thronged the streets to cheer on his tumultuous return.

Yunus is hell bent introducing massive political reforms, so that the country does not return to the dark era under previous regimes.

The three armed forces (army, navy, and air force) chiefs saluted him. The student leaders and his well-wishers briefed him on the background of the 36 days of bloody uprising, which killed nearly 1,400 people, according to the United Nations Human Rights Commission (OHCHR) office fact-finding report.

On 8 August, Yunus took the oath of Chief Advisor of an Interim Government and simultaneously announced the inclusion of advisers of his cabinet to manage the fractured nation. He promised to restore order. Yunus took over three days later, after Sheikh Hasina, who ruled the country of 174 million with an iron hand. She kept the tens of thousands in prison for months and years. Curtailed press freedom, despised critics, dissidents, and opposition.

She did not hesitate to punish them under repressive cybercrime laws. Hundreds were opposition and critics were victims of extrajudicial deaths, enforced disappearance, and languished in secret prisons manned by dreaded security agencies, including the Bangladesh spy agency Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI).

Being a global influencer for social business, Prof Yunus could not understand that his Interim Government would be sailing a rough sea and no land was in sight. A few months ago, he was so fed up with the progress of his vision to create a conducive atmosphere to enable the launch of a roadmap for democratic transition through holding a free, fair and inclusive election.

The impatient political parties created pressure to hold the election in a few months or else they will launch a street protest to force the Yunus administration to hold an early election. Yunus is fortunate that the military has been steadfast in providing support to hold a credible election, and they want to return to the barracks. Earlier, the military had thrice taken over the helm of affairs of the government and plunged the nation into a chaotic economic and political crisis.

The bureaucracy, police administration, judiciary, and other pillars of administration are not in pace with the Yunus administration.

Bangladesh Army refused to take over the country, like their predecessor army chiefs. There are multiple reasons for messing with state polity. The army has a big slice of the United Nations cake in deployment for peacekeeping missions in troubled countries. Presently, Bangladesh has deployed around 6,092 personnel in 13 countries.

Bangladesh has earned a reputation as one of the world’s most dedicated contributors to UN peacekeeping missions, which the Bangladesh armed forces headquarters does not want to jeopardize. The peacekeeping augments dramatic income benefits to thousands of soldiers and hundreds of officers.

A few months ago, Yunus suddenly desired to resign and return to the social business program. The student leaders who spearheaded the anti-government uprising against the autocratic prime minister Sheikh Hasina were able to persuade him to continue to lead the country, and they would lend full cooperation to achieve his vision and goals.

He admitted in an interview that there is growing frustration among his advisors in the cabinet to quit. The bureaucracy, police administration, judiciary, and other pillars of administration are not in pace with the Yunus administration. Despite several challenges since Hasina’s ouster, the Interim Government has been struggling to restore order, with allegations of failure in controlling mob violence and maintaining human rights.

The challenges reflect the shifting power dynamics in Bangladesh following Hasina’s fleeing the country. With her Awami League banned and the political landscape fractured, the country is at a crossroads.

A new political party (National Citizens Party or NCP), carved out by the student leaders, who spearheaded Monsoon Revolution, which toppled Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s autocratic regime, renewed their pledge to build a new Bangladesh amid political uncertainty over the next election. Yunus has said the election would be held in February 2026.

The army has a big slice of the United Nations cake, which the armed forces headquarters does not want to jeopardize.

The emergence of new political actors and unresolved tensions over the timing of the next election raise concerns about whether Bangladesh will move toward a stable, democratic transition or slide into deeper political turmoil, writes Julhas Alam in the American wire service, the Associated Press (AP).

NCP, dubbed as “King’s party”, wanted a new constitution that would replace the post-independence constitution adopted in 1972, soon after Bangladesh was born under the leadership of independence leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Hasina’s father. Bangladesh gained independence after a brutal birth after a nine-month war from Pakistan.

Yunus is hell bent to introduce massive political reforms, so that the country does not return to the dark era under previous regimes, which failed to deliver reasonable democracy, transparency, accountability, human rights and media freedom.

The Nobel Peace Prize winner had formed several independent commissions to demonstrate that a third-world country. A nation can live with a new dream of democracy and social justice.

The commissions have submitted reports on the election commission, electoral system reform, constitutional reforms, judiciary, civil bureaucracy, police administration, independent journalism, anti-corruption, economy and finance, human rights, local government, women’s affairs, and a few others. Regarding constitutional reforms, the large and small political parties have raised objections. They argue that not the Interim Government but only the parliament has the right to amend the constitution. Dr Yunus does not agree with the debate.

The women’s affairs commission report has invited flak from the Islamist parties and groups as it recommends that the gender equity of women is un-Islamic, and they would resist if they had to sacrifice their lives for upholding Islam.

Regarding the direct election of women, the political parties agreed last week that 100 women could be elected to parliament by direct vote. Furthermore, if zero tolerance on corruption, organized crime, smuggling and extortion could be ensured, it would give additional safety and security to the people. His vision is to create millions of jobs for the youth, instead of buying jobs from corrupt officials at exorbitant rates for menial jobs abroad, which drowns families in the villages in abject poverty.

Unless the political parties agree with the recommendations, the dialogue, may enter a blind lane.

Mohiuddin Ahmad, a political historian and author of several books on Bangladesh polity, said if the political parties do not agree to the commission’s recommendations, Prof Muhammad Yunus is likely to push the election deadline. Unless the political parties agree with the recommendations, the dialogue with the government and political parties may enter a blind lane.

If they disagree on pertinent issues of the recommendation, they will have to produce valid arguments; otherwise, the government will have difficulty continuing the dialogue with the political parties.

Disclaimer: The opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author. They do not represent the views, beliefs, or policies of the Stratheia